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Terreiro do Paço

A Praça do Comércio em Postal Antigo

Texto parcial do livro "A Praça do Comércio em postal antigo"

Carlos Consiglieri e Marilia Abel – Livros Horizonte
Este livro, que deve adquirir, apresenta uma fantástica coleção de 104 postais relativos ao Terreiro do Paço. Contém um texto, que reproduzimos parcialmente pois descreve de forma resumida esta praça desde 1600 aos tempos de hoje. O CAN THE CAN possui alguns destes postais, que podem ser visto no site Conservas de Portugal. 

Praça do Comércio assumiria um universo de mais de uma centena de postais, sem contar com variantes que ficaram em reserva? Como afirmam diversos investigadores, a maior parte da memória da cidade e dos portugueses passa por este sítio.
Ali foi o primeiro porto de Lisboa; local da ascensão dos judeus; espaço das estruturas do poder real manuelino; ex-libris filipino; cenário inquisitorial; entradas reais; celebração do simbólico e do poder de estado iluminista; regicídio de D. Carlos; as festas republicanas… Corporizou, na sua enseada, o ancoradouro – porto que serviu a atividade de salga de peixe, provavelmente desde os púnicos, com grande expansão no período romano como atestam as numerosas estruturas desenterradas ao sabor de conveniências.
Serviu, depois, como escoador de produtos artesanais medievos. Os barcos atracavam nos esteiros onde e hoje a Baixa. As relíquias de S. Vicente, trazidas de Sagres, desembarcaram algures num dos cais mouriscos que integrariam o esteiro. Não muito distante, os portos de Alfama e de Remolares (Cais do Sodré). A grande judiaria de Lisboa dera, desde cedo, forte contributo para as instalações portuárias ate ao momento em que a presença judaica foi superada pelo poder real.
Pouco a pouco, o rei assumira o porto. Damião de Góis dá-nos as reais dimensões destes “magníficos edifícios”. Os judeus ficarão com os cais marginais dos “Remulares” até à sua expulsão. A ligação do poder com o comércio resplandecera no Terreiro do Paço notoriamente civilista, de tal modo que a própria Capela existente era real.
Este carácter viria a ser reforçado com o majestático torreão de Filippo Terzi, mandado edificar pelo primeiro rei espanhol, Filipe II – evocativo do seu domínio de dimensão universal. O torreão da Ribeira ficaria localizado a meio da atual arcada poente.
O Terramoto esfumou a milenária memória do sítio, mas, com Pombal, a praça renascerá mantendo e reforçando a simbologia do poder do Estado, na real presença em estátua equestre. A estátua, equidistante dos torreões, marca o espírito do poder político – outorga divina.
A praça sugere uma parada militar, com o rei a cavalo à frente. Imagem da hierarquia do Estado absoluto – a pedir meças a todos – em nome do povo.
A Praça viveu os diversos tempos do liberalismo, deixando memórias que hoje são, também, páginas de História. Aqui acabou a monarquia e nasceu a República. Aqui se viveram os longos dias do Salazarismo – os burocráticos e os festivos. Aqui alvoreceu o movimento libertador do 25 de Abril… Foi, por excelência, o local exemplificador do poder político ou, melhor, de todos os poderes políticos que nos governaram. E assim esperamos que continue a ser.

O Terreiro do Paço surge da Lisboa mercantil, na viragem do século XV para o seguinte, e perdurará até meados do século  XVII, até ao dia em  que o Grande Terramoto de 1 Novembro de 1755 o destruirá. Com a perda da secular praça, perecera imenso património, móvel e imóvel, de forma irrecuperável.
A sua construção encerrará a fase da Lisboa mediévica dos mercadores-judeus que se tinham instalado nas margens das Ribeiras Velha e Nova.
Nos aterros implantaram-se edifícios e estruturas que justificavam o cognome do Rei do Comércio e da Navegação – a quem também chamavam, na Europa, o “rei da pimenta”, sua Majestade Dom Manuel, o Venturoso.
A transferência do poder real, da Corte e do aparelho administrativo que Cristóvão Rodrigues de Oliveira, no Sumário, descreve e pormenoriza, do Castelo e do Paço de Santos para o Terreiro, ganho ao Tejo, onde desaguariam a ribeira de S. Sebastião e a de Arroios, constituiu uma tarefa notável e um esforço ciclópico. Criou-se, rapidamente, o primeiro centro político português que a iconografia e textos de cronistas divulgaram pela Europa.
A natureza civilista seria o sinal e o toque dado desde o início e que perduraria durante a vivência do Terreiro do Paço.
Enquanto o Rossio (para além do emaranhado do casario que desapareceria com o Terramoto) era a “praça do povo”, com tendas e lojas, estalagem, hospital e demais “utilidades”, o Terreiro do Paço, pelo seu lado, protagonizava o ponto de partida e de chegada. Como faustoso do edificado e a exuberância do poder, não tardariam as “entradas reais”, as festas com touradas, os casamentos majestáticos – numa prática exacerbada de artes efémeras: maneiristas e barrocas, com arcos triunfais e cortejos em terra e no rio.
Também o aparato dos coches e dos tétricos desfiles da inquisição, como gravuras perpetuam numa demonstração de crueldade simbólica e singular, acabando por constituir documentos do carácter da nossa sociedade.
Desde há muito que as cercanias se revelavam como portos. Curiosamente, as diversas etapas do aterro do esteiro iam “colocando” os cais, cada vez mais perto da “linha de água” que o Terreiro do Paço iria assumir, nas novas dimensões e funcionalidades portuárias. O fortim que se implantou daria o sinal de limite, mais tarde simbolizado pelo Cais das Colunas, tão simbólico quanto romântico.
A gravura inserida na obra de G. Braunio  (Colónia, 1593?)  apresenta o Terreiro do Paço e a cidade numa articulação lógica e consolidada. O Paço Real liga-se ao Tejo, com este a “marear” os seus alicerces, numa conciliável atitude de irmandade.
Irisalva Moita, na coletânea  publicada em 1983 intitulada  Lisboa Quinhentista, inseriu o texto que servira a uma Comunicação ao “Congresso Internacional Os Descobrimentos Portugueses e a Europa dos Descobrimentos”, onde sintetiza com objetividade e clareza este processo de “fazer cidade”.

A dado passo, a investigadora assegura: “[… ] o conjunto constituído pelo Paço Real da Ribeira, dependências e edifícios anexos,  principalmente depois que aquele foi acrescentado, no reinado de D. João III, com a sua ala sul que o ligou a nova Casa da India, sobre a qual se prolongava, e de construída a imponente cúpula de Terzi que rematava o Torreão da Casa da India, constituía o grupo arquitetónico mais evidente da cidade e, por isso, também, o mais diretamente focado em todas as panorâmicas que dela se fizeram a partir do seculo XVI. Construído por fases sucessivas, era uma edificação de planta irregular, algo caótica, contudo, muito rica de contrastes e de  pormenores, mesmo a nível de exterior, compondo-se de vários corpos,  mal articulados entre si, dispostos a volta de pátios, ladeados de pórticos. Ocupava, com as suas dependências, uma área que ia desde a atual Praça do Município até meio da ala poente da Praça do Comércio, chegando a albergar toda a Família Real, filhos, irmãos e outros próximos parentes. Tinha capela privativa que gozava de privilégios especiais, constituindo, por força da sua situação, uma quase segunda catedral”.

Impunha-se, principalmente, pela riqueza e comodidade dos seus interiores que todos aqueles que visitaram as cortes de D. João III e D. Sebastião foram unanimes em considerar magnificentes.
Algumas salas estavam afetas a Serviços Públicos que requeriam a presença do rei, como o Tribunal do Desembargo do Paço, a Mesa da Consciência e Ordens, o Conselho da Fazenda e o Conselho do Estado.
Também a Casa da Moeda foi, por comodidade, transferida, ainda em tempos de D. Manuel, para junto do Paço da Ribeira e da Casa da India, onde desembarcava a prata e o ouro que eram depois reduzidos a moeda. Na realidade, a abundância de metais preciosos, o ouro de África e Ásia, a prata, primeiro da Alemanha e, depois da conquista do México e do Peru, da Espanha, obrigaram a amoedações constantes e continuas. Pegado com o Palácio Real e em instalações já aí existentes anteriormente, ficava o Arsenal  Real ou Armaria, verdadeiro Museu  Militar, onde se guardavam  e expunham todos os instrumentos  ligados a arte da guerra, desde peças de artilharia, algumas ganhas ao inimigo em campo de batalha. Ali se viam armas de todo o género: espingardas, hastes, espadas, armamentos pesados e ligeiros, de ataque e defesa, agrupados segundo os seus tipos. Havia também “bem figuradas estátuas de cavaleiros armados de ponto em branco, montados em cavalos de pau”.
Fundado por D. Manuel, este soberano tinha grande orgulho nesta obra que, conjuntamente com as Cavalariças Reais, a S. Domingos, era sempre mostrada a todos os visitantes ilustres que demandavam Lisboa.
O conjunto formado pelo Palácio Real e a Casa da India era ainda enriquecido por um jardim arborizado, e animado pela proximidade da Ribeira das Naus, cujos estaleiros e oficinas de fundição se mantinham em atividade trepidante.
O século XVI trouxe profundas mudanças a Lisboa- urbanas e simbólicas – o Terreiro espelha todas elas pela sua centralidade e funcionalidade. Damião de Góis, no seu texto de 1554, explicita essas “profundas mudanças”.
A Alfandega Nova, encostada “a beirinha do mar”, era um dos magníficos edifícios construídos por D. Manuel.”, e uma mole imensa de pedra, escorada com grandes estacas muito juntas, espetadas à mão no mar, é construída por ordem e a expensas do mesmo rei.  Seguindo pelo mesmo caminho, no sentido da corrente do rio, encontra-se um vasto campo, a partir da nova construção da alfandega e do celeiro, cercado pelo norte e pelo poente com belíssimos edifícios: ao sul, e notável a colunata de agradabilíssimo aspeto, e bem ornada, que se prolonga até a beira do rio, pois o outro lado do campo, voltado a oriente, estar limitado pelo mar. Neste terreiro está instalado o mercado do peixe e o mercado dos doces: ali ocorrem, todos os dias, magotes de peixeiros, hortelãos, confeiteiros, cortadores, padeiros, doceiros; a venderem tudo o que trazem para alimento da cidade, veem-se, além disso, barracas bem providas de comidas, de vinhos, de tendeiros, de estalajadeiros, de tecelões. No mercado do peixe, há grande quantidade de cestos, ali colocados por determinação das autoridades, nos quais o peixe é transportado por moços de fretes para as vendedeiras da praça, mal atracam os barcos de pesca.”

Depois, descreve-nos o edifício da Casa de Ceuta e Casa da India:

“Não longe desta casa, num renque contíguo de edifícios, ergue-se o sexto monumento, realizado de feição maravilhosa, repleto de abundantes presas e despojos de muitas gentes e povos. Por ali se tratarem os negócios da India, o nosso povo dá-lhe o nome de Casa da India. Na minha opinião, deveria antes chamar-se-lhe empório copiosíssimo dos aromas, pérolas, rubis, esmeraldas e de outras pedras preciosas que nos são trazidas da India ano após ano; ou então vastíssimo armazém de oiro e de prata, quer trabalhado quer em barra. Ali estão patentes, para quem os quiser admirar, inúmeros compartimentos, distribuídos com engenhosa arte e ordem, abarrotados com tao grande abundância daquelas preciosidades que – palavra de honra!- ultrapassaria a faculdade de acreditar, se não saltassem aos olhos de todos e as não pudéssemos tocar com as próprias mãos.”

Para acrescentar:

“Desde o topo do Paço Real, grandioso e sumptuoso, que Dom Manuel mandara construir para si, avança para o mar, coma uma máquina de guerra, uma vastíssima colunata, que limita pelo sul o terreiro a que já aludimos. No extrema da colunata, voltada ao nascente, ergue-se sobranceira a praia uma torre de cantaria bem trabalhada. Junto aquele, mesmo a beira do rio, começou há pouco o muito poderoso rei Dom João III, nosso Senhor, a levantar desde os alicerces um outro edifício, de admirável construção. Quando estiver concluído, com o auxílio de Deus e dos seus santos, ocupara o oitavo lugar nas belezas da cidade e arrebatara, de certo, a palavra a todos os demais monumentos.”

E remata o ilustre homem de cultura:

“Finalmente, perto do Paço Real da Ribeira, que (como disse) foi edificado por D. Manuel, o lado  oposto  a  esta  construção nova,  para  o  lado  poente,  separado por um terreiro de permeio, encontra-se o sétimo e último monumento público. É dotado de um grande número de divisões e dependências, em todas as direções, adornadas trabalhadas com arte. São tantas as entradas e tão diversas as saídas nos compartimentos interiores que bem se poderia considerar um autêntico labirinto. Aqui estabeleceram os nossos reis o Arsenal de Guerra, repleto de ingente cópia de todo o género de armas, máquinas de guerra, de morteiros, e de tudo o mais que pertence à condução de combates por terra e por mar; e em tal quantidade que, quer pela quantidade das máquinas bélicas quer pelo número infinito de armas e de lanças, facilmente ultrapassa todos os arsenais, alias bem apetrechados e bem recheados, que atualmente existem na Europa ou na Ásia, a maior parte dos quais eu visitei. Julgo que me é mais fácil provar isto, seja quem for, com este argumento: é que o Rei vê-se obrigado a ter na Ásia, na África e na Europa, só para as expedições navais ordinárias, mais de duzentos navios de todas as categorias, permanentemente apetrechados e impecavelmente municiados. Em três salas deste edifício estão guardadas, como em depósito, com a máxima diligencia e limpeza, quarenta mil armaduras de infantaria, mais três mil armaduras completas de cavaleiros, além das que são movimentadas para exercícios quotidianos e extraordinários. Também aqui se guardam peças de artilharia de todas as espécies, morteiros, escorpiões, basiliscos, leões, colubrinas, camelos, pedreiros, dispersores, e bombardas de descomunal grandeza e peso; assim como outras armas vulgares de arremesso, a que o povo da o nome de falcões, berços, espingardas; e ainda pólvora e balas de pedra e de ferro em tal abundancia que, se eu tentasse esmiuçar e descrever as diversas formas, o numero, o peso de cada uma delas, receio que se poderia supor que estava a apresentar nesta obra falsidades em vez de factos verdadeiros. Por isso, contentem-se com ler ou ouvir apenas o que aí vai.” (in Damião de Góis, Descrição da Cidade de Lisboa, Livros Horizonte (1988), 2ª edição, 2001).

O Terreiro do Paço era, sem dúvida alguma, a sede do poder, e o conjunto de edifícios que corporizavam a organiza ao das atividades económicas mostrava o que a cidade pretendia ser a Capital do Mundo, tanto  pela variedade de pessoas e de lugares como pela imensidão de produtos de todas as origens e paragens.

De um texto publicado em Paris, em 1730, por César de Saussure, retiramos o que seria o palácio do Rei, “situado a meio da cidade, a beira do Tejo” e que definiria a “praça, chamada Terreiro do Paço”. Este viajante escreveu o seguinte na sua Descrição da Cidade de Lisboa:

“A fachada principal (do palácio do Rei) corre ao longo desta praça e termina por um magnifico pavilhão, diante do qual fundeavam os navios. Dali o Rei (D. João V, como fora D. Manuel) se recreia a ver os navios entrar e sair do porto, desfrutando um panorama do rio que se estende a perder de vista. As acomodações deste palácio são dignas de nota e as salas são enormes e ricamente mobiladas. Uma das faces estende-se pela margem do rio. E a outra pelas ruas da vizinhança. Tem um pátio interior, quadrado, rodeado de colunatas, ao abrigo das quais uma multidão de mercadores, exibe tudo o que o comércio pode fornecer de mais raro”.

Os comerciantes tinham na Praça (que ainda não se chamava de Comércio) todas as razões para aqui se encontrarem. Este facto não passaria despercebido a quem nos visitava. O autor que estamos referenciando faz o elogio ao comércio e a nova classe em ascensão:

“Os comerciantes reúnem-se todos os dias pelas onze horas, perto do Palácio, numa grande rua chamada dos Mercadores. Nela esta instalada grande parte dos principais retalhistas portugueses com que tem transações e ali fazem  o seu negócio ao abrigo das arcadas que correm dos dois lados desta  rua. Nos dias bonitos de  Inverno vão para o Terreiro do Paço, onde também são certos todas as tardes. Ali se encontram muitas mercadorias para venda a pronto”.

Do período que antecede o terramoto, também Charles Frederic de Merveilleux deixou umas Memórias nas quais se refere ao Terreiro do Paço afirmando que “as praças do palácio real e do grande mercado são belas”. Quanto ao palácio real, considera-o “bastante cómodo”.

“No Inverno as salas estão revestidas de tapeçarias que se retiram no verão. Refiro-me apenas as salas que antecedem os aposentos do rei e da rainha. Logo que começa a anoitecer, coloca-se em cada sala um grande candelabro de prata cuja base se asseme­lha a uma caldeira emborcada [… ]”. “Os aposentos particulares do rei, assim como os da rainha estão atravancados de móveis de toda a espécie, podendo bem dizer-se que parecem armazéns. Sua Majestade deve ter mais vestuários no seu guarda-roupa que tem todos os mercadores de Lisboa, juntos, nas suas lojas. Seguramente e o mais rico guarda-roupa do universo”.

Mas, acima das atividades mercantis, “Sua Majestade, desejando estar no conhecimento de tudo, ocupa duas grandes partes do seu dia com o secretario de Estado. Dá audiência a algumas pessoas e o resto do seu tempo passa-o com os seus camaristas e outros oficiais de paço e junto da rainha e das damas que a rodeiam, senhoras de muita beleza. Os aposentos da rainha abrem sobre um terraço que dá para o Tejo e onde podem formar 800 homens em linha de combate”.

De igual modo, Cesar de Saussure, nas cartas escritas de Lisboa no ano de 1730, fala­nos da cidade de forma muito efusiva: “desta grande e bela cidade”. O símbolo do poder político – o Palácio Real – e apontado como um “ornamento de Lisboa”.

“Situado junto ao rio, e vasto, regular e magnifico. O edifício e quadrado com quatro torres ou pavilhões, sendo o que da para o Terreiro do Paço, a beira do Tejo, o maior e mais belo. Tem este palácio dois andares e as janelas são todas de sacada, como, alias, acontece na maioria das casas de Lisboa. Disseram-me que são vastos os seus salões, além de bem ornadas e ricamente alfaiadas. A sala dos guardas que dá para a Praça é espaçosa e tem beleza. Uma coisa, porém, me chocou: as escadarias e fachadas do palácio estão sujas e as primeiras cheias de lixo. A entrada, do lado ocidental, depara­se com um vasto e belo pátio, quadrado e cercado de arcarias, inteiramente ocupadas por lojas onde se vende toda a qualidade de quinquilharias e futilidades”.

Para, mais adiante, diz:

“Por duas vezes estive na Capela Real, situada num dos extremos do palácio. Esplende de riquezas, com excelentes quadros e mármores dos mais finos e ricos. As colunas que formam a nave estão revestidas, a toda a altura, de lâminas de prata, dando a impressão que são de prata maciça. O sacrário é de ouro, cravejado de diamantes e outras pedras preciosas e é um descansar de olhos ver tanta magnificência e tanta riqueza”.

O Terramoto de 1755 destruiu irremediavelmente estas memórias e muitas outras. Só não superou a memória e tradição do comércio, pois até a memória da presença física do Rei naquele local deixou de se sentir com a transferência da Família Real para a Ajuda.
O Terramoto e os incêndios de grandes proporções que se seguiram destruíram cerca de dez por cento das casas da cidade, estimadas em 20 mil, tornando inabitados mais de dois terços dos edifícios.
A parte principal do Plano de reconstrução aprovado define-se entre o Terreiro do Paço e o Rossio, regularizando-se estas praças e o território entre elas, criando-se, entre uma e outra praça, uma rede de ruas longitudinais e transversais, cortadas em ângulos retos. Do novo Terreiro saem três ruas que José-Augusto França classifica de “nobres” – Áurea, Augusta e Bela da Rainha (da Prata), das quais as duas primeiras desembocam no Rossio e a outra na Praça da Figueira. Nesta coletânea  incluíram-se vários postais que ilustram  o conjunto de  ruas longitudinais e transversais, onde o leitor poderá avaliar os edifícios e as artérias dessa Lisboa concebida  e programada por Eugénio dos Santos e Carlos Mardel (este último, o autor do Rossio). Ainda que sem o Rei em pessoa, o novo Terreiro (com o topónimo de Praça do Commercio) expressa o poder político, numa clara opção ideológica do Iluminismo que Pombal quis e soube encarnar.
A nova cidade abre-se sobre o Tejo, num extraordinário palco, notabilizado pelas arcarias regulares e simétricas que enquadram o Arco de Triunfo, só finalizado no século XIX, com novo desenho. Ao centro da Praça a estátua equestre de D. José, a omnipresença do poder político, como dissemos.
Os torreões sugerem aquele que Terzi desenhara nos tempos filipinos, num reconhecimento simbólico pelo objeto que durante século e meio figuraria na iconografia anterior ao grande terramoto, como os postais reproduzidos o demonstram.
A atribuição à Praça do nome de “Comércio” não deixa, no entanto, de ser contraditória, já que ali se instalaria o aparelho administrativo do poder político iluminista, numa primeira época, para depois se estabelecer o poder político da monarquia constitucional, da República e da Ditadura.
Porém, talvez o nome se deva, também, ao reconhecimento das avultadas ajudas que os comerciantes de Lisboa deram para a reconstrução da cidade. Contudo, a verdade é que as estruturas administrativas e outras ligadas ao comércio aqui permaneceram por muitos anos – a Alfandega e a Bolsa.
Appio Sottomayor escreveu que a Praça do Comércio ficou com 177 metros por 192 e que assim nascera “uma ampla entrada em Lisboa com o Tejo por fundo, salão de  visitas único para quem chegasse do mar”.
Muitos postais evidenciam este “salão de visitas” na sua amplitude e na liga ao com o Tejo, com o “cais das colunas”, como estrutura avançada dessa feliz intimidade da cidade com o rio, num cenário que se fecha no conjunto urbano com um esquema modelado de edifícios, com as arcadas e galerias, fachadas regulares e telhados de duas águas. Se a estátua equestre marca a centralidade, o Arco Triunfal enquadra a praça de forma cenográfica.

O pedestal da estátua é da autoria do arquiteto Reinaldo Manuel dos Santos e a escultura de Joaquim Machado de Castro (1731-1822), fundida em bronze, de um só jato. No pedestal encontra-se a efigie do Marques de  Pombal. Foi a primeira estátua de bronze que se fundiu em Portugal, no Arsenal do Exército, sob a direção do Engenheiro Bartolomeu da Costa. É interessante recordar que o carro que a transportou até à Praça foi puxado por mais de mil pessoas. Na parte oposta ao medalhão/efigie de Pombal, encontra-se um baixo relevo que representa “a generosidade do Rei a erguer Lisboa depois do Terramoto”. Uma figura – a Fama – toca trombeta, enquanto outra – o Triunfo – transporta a palma.
Pelo seu lado, o Arco Triunfal, conhecido vulgarmente como Arco da Rua Augusta, domina, sem dúvida, a atenção do visitante. A perspetiva da Rua Augusta possibilita observar a estátua enquadrada pelas colunas laterais do Arco. Os postais permitem esta conclusão. Concebido por Eugénio dos Santos (poder-se-á observar o “projeto primitivo”, em dois dos postais reproduzidos), só veio a ser fechado no ano de 1873, com concurso aberto, em 1843, por Costa Cabral. O projeto é de Veríssimo José da Costa.
O arco é encimado por um grupo escultórico do francês Calmels, representando a Glória e coroando o Génio e o Valor.
É possível ler-se a legenda debaixo da Glória VIRTVTIBUS MAIORVM, seguida de VT. SIT. OM NIBVS . DOCUMENTO. PPD. O significado desta legenda, segundo Norberto Araújo, é: “para que se perpetuem as virtudes dos nossos maiores”.
O PPD significaria “Pecúnia publica dicatum” o mesmo que dizer “que foi pago pelos dinheiros públicos”.
Com a armas de Portugal (do período liberal), tem duas representações de cada lado os rios Tejo e Douro e as estátuas de Nuno Álvares Pereira, de Viriato, Pombal e Vasco da Gama.
Presentemente, o Arco é um símbolo de Lisboa como os postais que constituem o último núcleo bem exemplificam.
As arcadas constituem, pelas suas dimensões e qualidade de desenho e de execução, um esforço público notável, a perseverar no futuro.
Bem lá ao cantinho e sem atravancar as galerias circundantes da Praça, situa-se- o café mais antigo de Lisboa – O Martinho – fundado em 1782.
Começou por ser uma “casa de neve”, melhor  dizendo, de gelados. Mas este desígnio só durou dois escassos anos, para se assumir um “café à italiana”, pertença de Domingo Mignani. Foi no século XIX adquirido por um tal Martinho Bartolomeu Rodrigues que era proprietário de um outro café célebre, situado no ex-largo do Camões (no Rossio) e, presentemente, denominado Largo de D. João da Câmara. Daqui que os dois estabelecimentos se chamavam Martinho, sendo o da Praça do Comércio conhecido por Martinho da Arcada.
Inicialmente muito frequentado por comerciantes, passou a acolher funcionários dos ministérios já que a Praça do Comércio era por excelência o local do funcionalismo público). Mas, nos fins do século XIX e princípios do século XX albergou muitas figuras da literatura e da arte, com especial referência para Fernando Pessoa.

As imagens dos postais nesta página são das colecções do CAN THE CAN, Hugo Oliveira site postais_antigos.com e de Joaquim Cortês.

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Garum Publicações e estudos

Roman Fish Sauce

Roman Fish Sauce: Fish Bones Residues and the Practicalities of Supply

SALLY GRAINGER
Timberua Glen road. Grayshott Hindhead. Surrey GU266NB, UK sallygrain@aol.com
(Received 2 November 2012; Revised 14 May 2013; Accepted 22 May 2013)

ABSTRACT: In this paper I will report on the results of experiments, conducted from 2009 through to 2011, to manufacture Roman fish sauce, using the ancient recipes. More specifical- ly, it will consider the nature of the fish sauce residue, known as allec, observe its formation and assess its qualities. The paper concludes that many shipwrecks currently identified as having transported amphorae that contained a salted fish product made from mackerel may in fact be shipping a semi processed fish sauce which will go on to produce a quality liquamen type sauce at its destination. This paper offers a new interpretation of the archaeological remains found in ancient transport amphorae and provides new insights into the commerce of processed fish products in the Roman Mediterranean.

RESUMEN: En este trabajo se exponen los resultados de experimentos realizados entre 2009 y 2011 para manufacturar salsas de pescado romano siguiendo las recetas antiguas. En concreto, se considerará la naturaleza del residuo de salsa de pescado conocido como allec, y se detalla- rán su génesis y sus características. El trabajo concluye que muchos pecios, actualmente rese- ñados como portadores de ánforas que contenían una salazón de caballas, podrían de hecho haber contenido una salsa de pescado a medio procesar que habría servido de base para produ- cir una salsa de calidad tipo liquamen en destino. Este trabajo ofrece por tanto una nueva inter- pretación de los restos arqueológicos de peces recuperados en antiguas ánforas de transporte al tiempo que proporciona nuevas perspectivas en torno al comercio de productos procesados de pescado en el Mediterráneo romano.

INTRODUCTION

In this paper I report on the results of experiments, conducted from 2009 through to 2011, to manufacture Roman fish sauce, using the ancient recipes. More specifically this study examines the nature of the fish sauce residue, known as allec, observes its formation and assesses its qualities. Currently, our ability to recognize evidence of fish sauce through its residues in the archaeological record is limited by a lack of basic empirical knowledge of the products themselves. Van Neer & Ervynck (2002: 208) consider that fish sauce can only be identified where «fish bones are present» which is clearly a limiting factor for fishbone specialists interested in finding fish sauce in the archaeological record. The fish sauce associated with these residues of bone is perceived to be of lower status, while the fish sauce of quality is understood to be a clear free-flowing liquid and therefore largely invisible in the archaeological record (Desse-Berset & Desse, 2000: 75). In archaeology, we also continue to consider garum as a luxury fish sauce, and refer to classical archaeologists such as Curtis who necessarily use ancient «elite» perspectives from Rome to define the sauces (Corcoran, 1962; Curtis, 1991, 2009). The archaeological evidence for fish sauce, however, provides the sub-elite and even lower status perspective as the residues we find are largely identified as either the bulk commonplace sauce or the bony fish paste which is considered a slave ration. It has been difficult to reconcile and inte- grate the two worlds, the elite perspectives derived from literature and the lower status perspective from the archaeological record, to form a coherent picture of the ancient trade in fish sauce (Van Neer & Ervynck, 2002: 208). This paper offers a close study of the preparation of various fish sauces along with their residues in order to offer a new interpretation of the archaeological remains found in ancient transport amphorae and to understand more clearly Roman commerce of processed fish products1.

My approach has been multi disciplinary exam- ining and analyzing information from a variety of sources: the archaeological record for processing sites, the amphorae trade and the fish bone studies from ship wrecks and urban deposits, as well as ancient and modern literature pertaining to fish sauce production and use. My backgrounds are ideally suited to this study as I am a trained chef, have an ancient history degree, a published Roman food historian with a specialty in the Apicius recipe text where fish sauce is a commonplace ingredient, and I am trained in archaeology, having earned a MA in this discipline (Dalby & Grainger, 1996; Grainger, 2006; Grocock & Grainger, 2006). Thus I was able to integrate all the available evidence for fish sauce, both ancient and modern, in order to attempt to answer some of the more perplexing questions about this product and how it was traded.

1 My research forms part of a MA dissertation on fish sauce conducted at Reading University.

FISH SAUCE: THE BASICS

Both ancient and modern fish sauce is a liquid derived from the maceration and liquefaction of whole fish with salt. The process is known as enzyme hydrolysis. The enzymes are present in the viscera in large quantities, particularly the liver and spleen, and it is their action that converts the solid protein in the muscle tissue into amino acids and peptides dissolvable in the water (Mciver et al., 1982: 1017; Curtis, 2009: 712). The «sauce» is effectively the water contained within the fish, enriched with protein, as well as additional brine which takes on the same characteristics. The protein causes the fluid to be stained in various shades of yellow to brown. The sauces are often considered fermented, but, strictly speaking, fermentation requires bacterial action in relatively low salt conditions which are not mentioned in the ancient recipes (Owens & Mendoza, 1985: 273). There are various methods employed by modern South East Asian manufacturers which we find mirrored in the ancient recipes. The small Clupeidae and Sparidae commonly used are either, on a small scale, contained in sealed vessels, or, on a large scale, covered in concrete-lined tanks, which expose the product to the heat of the sun and some evaporation. Sometimes the fish are compressed in sealed barrels, which allow the fluid to drain from the bottom of the vessel while the residue remains intact. This compressed residue is then re-brined, often many times to extract all the potential nutrients before the residue is finally discarded or used for fertilizer, in contrast to ancient fish sauce residues which are used as another food source. Modern fish sauce is also produced in levels of salt considered excessive, 25-40% by weight. These levels of salt, which are acceptable in South East Asia, actually reduce enzyme activity and there- fore the potential nutritional value of the sauces (Crisan & Sands, 1975: 106; Lopetcharat, 2001: 65-68).

Ancient recipes for fish sauce survive in late Imperial Greek and Latin texts, though they are considered problematic for many reasons. The key text, the manuscript of the Geoponica is from Greek-speaking Byzantium and has been consid- ered too far removed in time from the manufacture of fish sauce envisioned in the western Mediterranean of the 1st century AD to be considered accurate (Comis & Re, 2009: 35). It is rarely suffi- ciently acknowledged, however, that fish sauces were Greek in origin in terms of the textual evidence, and their origins geographically were obscure 2. The cuisine we think of as Roman was originally devised and initially recorded in Greek texts during the 3rd and 2nd centuries BC. It subsequently spread and became an international Mediterranean cuisine rather than simply «Roman». Nevertheless, there remained key differences between the two culinary cultures, while, at the same time, a complex linguistic culinary crossover developed3. In fact, it is recognized in classical studies that the knowledge associated with all practical preparations was predominantly of Greek origin and found in veterinary, medicinal and culinary literature. The Romans in the western Mediterranean did not value practical skills and considered the labour associated with preparing fish sauce as demeaning, and, therefore, frequent- ly relied on the skills of Greek practitioners (Cicero de off. 1.150; Adams, 1995: 1-209; Dalby, 1996: 179; Grant, 2000: 3). The Geoponica was a farming manual preserved in a 10th century AD manuscript but containing material dated to the 6th century AD. It has recently been re-evaluated and correctly recognized as a manual preserving knowledge from the agricultural tradition of the entire Roman period rather than from the later periods and as such would, in fact, provide a reli- able account of fish sauce manufacture (Dalby, 2011: 13).

2 The process itself has either been attributed to Greeks via colonies in the Black Sea or a Phoenico-Punic one in Spain (Trakadas, 2004: 47).

3 The language of the kitchen was Greek in the same way as French dominated the professional kitchen of 19th/20th century. Cooking as a skill was dominated by Greek speaking/under- standing Romans who might be bilingual in the kitchen but not elsewhere and many terms were simply transliterated and a «culinary syntheses» emerged (Dalby,1996: 179).

There are three recipes that survive in the literature: two in the Geoponica, and one attributed to Gargilius Martialis, a 3rd century AD Latin writer. This text, however, is considered a medieval gloss and is not included in the recent Les belle Lettres series. It is also clear that a number of ingredients listed in the recipe were unavailable in Roman times, and, as a result, it is far less reliable in illustrating classical Roman practices (Curtis, 1984: 148; Maire, 2002). The texts are sited in full in the appendix. The recipes suggest that two basic types of sauce existed, though many different species of fish and different methods were used.

1 A mixture of small whole fish of the Clupeidae and Sparidae families considered small enough with the addition of extra viscera from other fish and salt added, allowing the mixture to liquefy in the sun until pickled. Liquid is then taken when the sauce flows through a basket and can be ladled out (Geo- ponica). This is a liquamen in Latin and garon in Greek4.

2 A mixture of somewhat larger fish, dominated by Scombridae as well as Clupeidae and Sparidae. These are cut up with salt and also the residue from previous fish sauce production known as allec 5 added. Apparently, no additional viscera was needed. Extra liquid (wine) could be used. This is pickled for 2-3 months (Geoponica). This is also liquamen in Latin and garon in Greek.

3 A similar variety of fish but the whole process is made in a sealed vessel and on a smaller scale (Gargilius Martialis). This is liquamen.

4 A quick and clearly domestic method where whole fish are boiled in brine until all flavour and nutrients are transferred to the liquid. The mixture is then fully strained (Geoponi- ca). This is also liquamen in Latin and garon in Greek.

5  A luxury sauce made with viscera and blood from tuna (though clearly other fish, such as mackerel, were used) and salt. This is allowed to ferment for two months and then removed by piercing the vessel and the sauce flows out from below (Geoponica). This is garum in Latin and either garon haimation (bloody) or melan (black) in Greek (Galen: Kuhn, 1965: 637)6.

6 A fish brine derived from the salting of cleaned fish. This is also a type of fish sauce seasoning and was considered cheaper or more commonplace (Ausonius Epis.21). As a fish brine, it actually seems to have been val- ued too (Olsen & Sens, 2000: 159). This is muria in Latin and halma/yris in Greek. Some modern scholars also considered it a form of garum 7.

The recipes suggest that there were many different ways to make fish sauce. In fact, from a literary study, which will be published elsewhere, it is clear that there were multiple qualities of fish sauce and defining them in terms of expensive or cheap is too simple; each variety could exist in varying qualities. It is clear that the perception of the quality of the product consumed depended on so many factors: taste; the use(s) of the sauce as different sauces do seem to have different roles within the cuisine; choice; income; and the consumer’s social position and where he viewed him- self/ herself within the social order. The sauce considered an expensive garum made from just blood and viscera will not be further discussed here.

4 The term is later transliterated into garum and the distinction between the two terms depends on the apparent early use of garum and the apparent later Latin usage of liquamen (Ettienne, 2006: 6; Curtis, 2009: 713). It is clear, however, that liquamen had a distinct and separate meaning from garum in the 1st century AD which I believe was maintained into the late empire (Grainger, 2013 forthcoming).

5 Curtis (1984) believes this usage of allec refers to its other meaning as a generic term for small fish of the Clupeidae and Sparidae families. As anchovy is specifically named in this recipe, such a definition seems to me unfounded.

6 It is my belief that garos and garum are not in fact equivalent (liquamen is equivalent to garos, garos melan/haimation is equivalent to garum. For a detailed discussion of this theory see Grainger (2013 forthcoming). For other references to «bloody» and «black» garos see papyri: P. Anst. inv. no 44; Aetius 3.83.

7 I have elsewhere published that I doubt that these elite ref- erences to muria (Martial Epigrams 13.103) being a form of blood/viscera sauce, with reference to the use of tuna viscera in the Geoponica, are correct. It is unlikely that tuna would make a whole-fish sauce but rather a blood/viscera sauce or a brine as a secondary product from salted fish (Grainger 2010: 25; Grainger, 2013, forthcoming). But see Corcoran (1963: 206) and Studer (1994: 195) for a different view.

THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE FOR FISH SAUCE: THE FISH BONE REMAINS

The apparent residues of an ancient fish sauce have been found throughout the Roman Mediterranean, northern Europe and Roman Britain in the form of large amounts of discarded small-fish bones. The most important sites are listed in Table 1. The bones were dominated by poorly preserved small Clupeidae and Sparidae, 5-20 cm in length (Van Neer & Ervynck, 2002: 208). These residues were often inside or near the discarded amphorae, at ports or trading sites in the Mediterranean where the sauces were processed or sold. They were also identified inside the cetaria at processing sites in Southern Spain, North Africa and Portugal. These bone residues are generally interpreted as a form of allec, i.e., the fish sauce residue described in the Geoponica after the desirable sauce had been taken (Dalby, 2011: 349, l. 7). This was also considered a marketable product in its own right, i.e. a bony fish paste not unlike a gentlemen’s relish or pissalat with a potential market among the poor and slaves (Delaval & Poignant, 2007: 59-66). It has been pointed out by Van Neer & Ervynck (2002: 208) that it seems economically irrational to widely transport a residue which was perceived to be of low quality. The fish bone residues found at Masada that have been identified as allec by Cotton et al. (1996: 231) were derived from very small sardines (3-5 cm in length) from the Western Mediterranean, probably Spain, and, according to a passage in Pliny which will be discussed below, were identified as a luxury product traded into Palestine. These tiny bones may have been con- sumed along with the paste but I doubt such a product could have been considered elite or even remotely desirable. It is also important to note that the Geoponica actually states that the residue «makes allec» not that the residue is allec, which implies the bones were not an integral part of this product. Other examples of allec were derived from much more substantial Clupeidae and Spari- dae bones. Ultimately one has to imagine the bones being removed from the paste by the con- sumer as and when required which is not a simple procedure. Of course, had this in fact been the case, the bones would not be found in one discrete place, but rather would be distributed all over the archaeological record and be unrecognizable. It is only because the discarded bones have been found in large quantities that we can recognize them as some sort of fish sauce residue. It is not really clear what process was involved in discarding the sauce represented by the bones in or near amphorae. It has been suggested that spoilage of the sauce caused these events but this does not seem to be an adequate explanation for all the evi- dence (Hamilton-Dyer, 2001: 4).

Urban sites
• Saltsberg Clupeidae and Sparidae 4-12 cm (Lepsikaar, 1986)
• Masada Clupeidae 4-5 cm (Cotton et al., 1996)
• Cerro del Mar, Málaga multiple samples including Clupeidae and Sparidae 10-20 cm (Driesch, 1980) • Olbia 1 Clupeidae and Sparidae 15-20 cm (Bruschi & Wilkins, 1996; Dellusi & Wilkins, 2000)
• Olbia 2 Clupeidae and Sparidae 5-10 cm (Bruschi & Wilkins, 1996; Dellusi & Wilkins, 2000)
• London Peninsula house Sprattus sprattus and Clupea harengus – 8 cm (Bateman & Locker, 1982)
• York, Dorchester Sprattus sprattus and Clupea harengus 7-10 (Hamilton-Dyer, 2008)
• Tienen Clupeidae 5 cm (Van Neer et al., 2005)
• Setubal Clupeidae and Sparidae 8-19 cm (Desse-Berset & Desse, 2000)
Ship wrecks
• Randello c.300AD, Almagro 50, sardine 10-17 cm (Wheeler & Locker, 1984)

TABLE 1
Fish sauce residues considered allec from urban and shipwreck sites.

The ancient literature on allec is very confusing and therefore needs to be re-examined. Pliny the Elder is the text most often cited:

«Allec is the sediment of garum, the dregs neither strained nor whole. It has, however, begun to be made separately from tiny fish, otherwise of no use. The Romans call it apua, the Greeks aphye, because this tiny fish is bred out of rain. …….. Then allex became a luxury and its various kinds have come to be innumerable…… Thus allex has come to be made from oysters, sea urchins, sea anemones, and mullet’s liver, and salt to be cor- rupted in numberless ways so as to suit all palates».

Pliny the Elder HN. 31.96

The passage is neutral about the value of allec made from «apua» and the luxury tag is only really associated with the bone-free fish pastes made from sea food such as sea urchins and oysters. The evidence from amphorae tituli picti and elite literary references also make it clear that, in fact, the best fish sauces was made specifically from mackerel. We may assume that the best allec would have been derived from this meaty fish too. Curtis (1991: 195) records one tituli picti designating the allec from mackerel.
The artisanal fish paste known as pissalat made in the region of France between Nice and Marseille was made from anchovies of various sizes. The bones were not removed from those tiny anchovies used to make pissalat in Antibes, Figure 1; «Born of rain» seems particularly apt (Delaval & Poignant, 2007: 62). I had a conversation with an artisanal pissalat maker at a Nice market who told me that, if the sardines are any bigger, the bones are sieved out. It seems clear that the reference by Pliny to allec becoming a luxury was not concerned with fish sauce or its residue at all. Rather, this allec that was a smooth fish paste did not generate a sauce. The nutrients were retained in the paste, it did not hydrolyze into a liquid, and the bones were sieved out while the fish were soft but not dissolved. It appears that the most commonplace and non-elite fish sauce that we know was traded so widely was in fact represented by bones from the Clupeidae and Sparidae family in a 5-20 cm size range, as noted by Desse-Berset & Desse (2000: 91), and which, in fact, we find associated with amphorae across the Roman Empire and at processing sites.

The evidence for the best fish sauce made exclusively from mackerel has not been easy to find. There is, however, extensive evidence from imperial Roman shipwrecks for the transporting of mackerel stored in amphorae that, though appearing to be designed for a liquid fish sauce, have been identified as transporting a salted Spanish mackerel. The shipwreck sites are listed in Table 2. The identification of the product as salted fish has been largely due to the comparatively large size of the Spanish mackerel and other Clupeidae and Sparidae when compared to those associated withallec, and to the extremely high quality of its preservation (Desse-Berset & Desse, 2000: 91). The theory has been that a fish sauce product would result in fragmentary bone, and this, in fact, does seem to be the case in some of the land-based evidence for allec. All the shipwreck bone evidence, however, is quite unique in being so well-preserved, and this may be due to the specific anti-bacterial environmental conditions of the sea.

FIGURE 1 Sardine used to make pissalat which are aptly described as «born of rain» by Pliny (HN 61.95; Delaval & Poignant, 2007: 62).

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Sud Perduto II. Dressel 7/9, 1st Century AD, Scomber japonicus 40-48 cm (Parker, 1992: 1121; Desse- Berset, 1993: 343, Desse-Berset & Desse, 2000: 76-79)
Cape Bear III (Port Vendres) Dressel 12, Scomber japonicus 28-40 cm (Parker, 1992: 171; Desse-Berset & Desse, 2000: 80)
Port Vendres II Dressel 7, Scomber japonicus size unknown (Colls et al., 1977: 40-43; Parker, 1992: 331; García Vargas, 1998; Desse-Berset & Desse, 2000: 81)
St Gervaise III, Beltran 2b, Trachurus trachurus 40-50 cm (Parker, 1992: 373; Desse-Berset & Desse, 2000: 81)
Anse Gerbal (Port Vendres 1) c.325 AD, Almagro 50/51 Sardina pilchardus 22-25 cm (Parker, 1992: 874; Desse-Berset & Desse, 2000: 92)
Elba II (Chiessi), mid 1st century AD, Scomber japonicus 30 cm (Bruschi & Wilkins, 1996: 167; Dellusi & Wilkins, 2000)
Grado , 2nd century AD, Scomber japonicus 30 cm and Sardina pilchardus size unknown (Auriemma, 2000: 31-49; Dellusi & Wilkins, 2000: 53-65).
Cala Reale al Asinara, 4/5th century AD, Almagro 51, Sardina pilchardus size unknown (Dellusi & Wilkins, 2000; Desse-Berset & Desse, 2000).

TABLE 2 Ship wreck evidence currently considered salted fish.

Only one Roman shipwreck has been tentatively identified as carrying a fish sauce allec and that is Randello (see Table 1; Wheeler & Locker, 1984). This is due to the large number of fishes represented relative to the size of the amphora, and their very small size. There are two key shipwreck sites that require discussion. Grado, a 2nd century AD wreck in the northern Adriatic is exceptional in having large quantities of well-preserved mackerel and sardine bones in numerous different types of large African amphorae as well as small but empty amphorae with a tituli picti stating the product as a liq(uamen) Flos. The bones are currently identified as a salted fish (Auriemma, 2000: 31-49; Dellusu & Wilkens, 2000: 53-65). The 1st century AD wreck at Cape Bear III at Port Vendres contained Dressel 12 amphorae, and the mackerel apparently transported in them were up to 40 cm in length. I do not think it is possible for mackerel this large to be put inside such an amphora even in pieces: it would have been impossible to get them in or get them out as can be seen from their shape (Desse-Berset & Desse, 2000: 79-81).

The Dressel 12 amphorae (Figure 2) are clearly a liquid container and it is my contention that these shipwrecks as well as many others transporting mackerel (or uniform Clupeidae and Sparidae of a similar nature) were actually carrying a form of mackerel allec.
I was unsure for what economic purpose this served until my experiments demonstrated the logic behind this practice.

http://archaeologydataservice.ac.uk/archives/ view/amphora_ahrb_2005/drawings.cfm?id=67&CFID=2827207&CFTOKEN=41216567.

FIGURE 2 Dressel 12 amphora.

THE EXPERIMENTS

Over the last three years, I made 10 different sauces, sticking closely to the basic recipes but adjusting the variables each time in order to determine the perfect conditions required to maximise speed of liquefaction as well as nutritional and culinary quality in the bulk process indicated by the large cetaria (salting tanks) found in Southern Spain and North Africa. I processed my fish in a green house in fish tanks which allowed me to duplicate Mediterranean temperatures quite closely. Most of the data I used to determine these ideal conditions were based on an early observational study which was both complex and time-consuming to relate in detail here. The variables were as follows:

SALT LEVELS: These are stated to be 15% or 7 parts fish to 1 part salt in the Geoponica. The Gargilius recipe is estimated at 3:1 which is much closer to modern fish sauce salt levels and has also been demonstrated to reduce nutritional yield (Klomklao et al., 2006: 443).

PRESENCE OR ABSENCE OF ADDITIONAL VISCERA: In one recipe, smaller fish were pickled with extra viscera, while the other two made no mention of additional viscera. As a bulk catch of Clupeidae and Sparidae could not sensibly be individually processed, this may suggest that the extra viscera was designed to aid the liquefaction process where the viscera cavity was not exposed.

PRESENCE OR ABSENCE OF ADDITIONAL LIQUID: One Geoponica recipe calls for wine at a ratio of 1 fish to 2 wine. This was assumed to be a later stage in production, i.e. the oenogarum sauces mentioned in recipes (Grainger, 2007: 106) and also excessive. The other two recipes, however, made no mention of extra liquid.

FISH VARIETY AND SIZE: I used sprat (5-10 cm) caught and frozen on board ship, sardine (8-24 cm) caught the night before in Scottish waters and mackerel (25-35 cm) caught and salted by myself in the Solent near Portsmouth.

TEMPERATURE: The air temperature of the coastal regions around Cádiz and Gibraltar during the summer range from 15-35°C with an average midday temperature in June, July and August of 30°C. These temperatures were mirrored inside the green house over the duration of the experiments. The liquid temperature of the sauce during the hottest period of the day never reached above 20°C.

CLOSED OR OPEN VESSEL: If the vessel or salting tank was open to the sun, as suggested in the Geoponica, then evaporation will eventually result in a gradual reduction in volume. Either the
sauce was taken before this can happen or extra liquid was added.

OPEN OR CLOSED ABDOMINAL CAVITY: Small fish were left whole. From the Gargilius recipe, it appears that larger fish were cut into pieces, thus exposing the viscera. The Geoponica does not stipulate cutting but implies pieces by the instruction to kneed the fish with salt.

COOKING OR NOT: One of the suggested ways to make fish sauce was to boil the fish in brine and strain the liquor. The text made it clear that this was certainly a separate domestic and small-scale process and that fermentation and cooking were not combined in the bulk process. Modern fish sauce production considers that excessive heat destroys the enzymes that hydrolyse the protein (Geoponica 20.46; Klomklao et al., 2006: 444).

LENGTH OF PROCESSING TIME: The recipes in the Geoponica suggested 2-3 months for the whole fish sauce and 2 months for the blood and viscera sauce. A further Geoponica recipe did not stipulate a time limit, and the Gargilius Martialis recipe appeared to suggest just a few weeks.

SUMMARY OF RESULTS AFTER 3-YEAR OBSERVATION

The exposed and/or extra viscera initially maximized the brine yield. Without one or the other of these and ideally both, the yield of natural water from the fish was too small in volume to dissolve the salt, resulting in a crunchy fish mash. Similar findings were reported by Commis & Re (2009).

As I conjectured, the brine that was generated steadily evaporated, and the sauce yield was limited in the thick gray paste that formed. I lost up to 15% of volume over the first 2 weeks in the first sardine and sprat sauces. I found that when sufficient digesting enzyme activity was present (exposed and/or additional viscera), the skin begun to disappear in the liquid and the muscle tissue appeared to «explode in slow motion» within a few days, i.e. the tissue softened and separated into small particles which floated free within the liquid. This was what formed the dense paste. These particles could rapidly saturate the limited liquid that was present, and, when this happened no further disintegration could take place. It was the smallest fish that dissolved first, while the majority of larger sardine and mackerel pieces remained undissolved, most likely due to the lack of sufficient liquid for the process to take place. The ratio of extra liquid suggested in the Geoponica, (wine but brine was more likely) was 1 fish: 2 liquid. This seemed likely to dilute the sauce too much, and so early experiments used a reversal of this ratio, i.e. 2 fish: 1 brine in sauces with and without additional viscera. The process of disintegration restarted in this new liquid and the thick grey paste became an emulsion. Initially, the dark clear sauce emerged on the top of the tank, while the particles sank and merged with the remaining fish pieces. But as the process of stirring continued, this was reversed, and the particles rose to the surface causing the desirable sauce to be trapped underneath. It is con- jectured that the liquid had become enriched in protein as the density was increased, forcing the particles to float over the heavier liquid. At this point evaporation ceased.

The sauce made from sardines (8-24 cm), without the additional viscera but with 2 fish: 1 extra brine, generated a copious emulsion after three months of processing. At least 40% of the sardine in the 15-24 cm size range, however, remained structurally intact though the viscera cavity was eroded as can be seen in Figure 3.

FIGURE 3

Sardines over 15 cm after 3 months of fermentation with their cavity eroded but the majority of muscle tissue intact. This sauce had sufficient liquid but did not contain extra viscera and therefore did not have enough enzyme activity to dissolve the larger fish.

It was possible to re-brine this volume of remaining fish flesh and generate a second sauce which was by no means of second quality. In order to determine whether extra viscerae or more brine or both were necessary to ensure more of the fish were dissolved, an experiment was developed using a batch of mackerel sauce made with the fish cut into 3 pieces and with additional viscera at 10% and the original ratio of brine at 1 part fish to 2 parts brine.

This recipe resulted in a dramatic liquefaction. It took from one week to ten days to liquefy and disarticulate up to 8 kg of mackerel. This was clearly too fast, and, as it was accompanied by fairly rapid spoilage of the sauce in the following months, it was determined that this ratio of extra liquid resulted in a weak and unstable sauce. It also seemed likely that the manufacturer would not want to dilute the sauce in the early stages any more than necessary, particularly as a concentrated fish sauce would be more economical to transport. Further experiments using more viscera and a liquid ratio of 2:1 continued to leave 25-30% of the fish flesh un-liquefied. See Figure 4 for the bony allec from this mackerel sauce.

It seemed likely that the enzymes could not liquefy any more fish in these conditions. A ratio of 2 parts fish to 1 part brine with 10% extra viscera proved the most effective in producing a sauce efficiently liquefied with maximum nutrition while leaving sufficient remaining fish to generate a good second sauce. One may imagine that it would be highly profitable for fish sauce manufacturers to generate two equal sauces in terms of nutrition and taste from one batch of fish.

FIGURE 4

A residue (allec) of unliquefied mackerel, having been cut into pieces and processed with sufficient extra viscera and extra liquid to generate a saturated emulsion after 2 months fermentation.

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THE SAUCE ITSELF AND ITS NATURE

In ideal conditions of high enzyme activity (provided by the extra viscera, sufficient liquid, and heat), the cartilage is also digested by the enzyme action, and this results in complete disar- ticulation of the smaller fish skeletons (5-10 cm). In these ideal conditions, many of the larger pieces or whole fish still did not fully liquefy in the increased volume of fluid. All the fish pieces and disarticulated bone initially remain suspended if small and then fell to the bottom throughout the majority of the process. With an extended processing time (over 2 months), however, the sauce became so rich in protein that the density of the sauce increased. The bones and even large pieces of undissolved fish rose through the thick layer of fish particles to the surface. Prior to this while the bones were still largely at the bottom, the tank was full of a thick emulsion which could be easily removed with minimal bone contamination. This emulsion constituted the unfiltered sauce. I have been able to demonstrate through laboratory test- ing that the nutritional value of the final sauce was greatly improved by storage in this unfiltered state. After discussing this product with Robert Curtis, he agreed that this unfiltered sauce could well be identified with the tituli picti «flos». When these identifying labels signify flos flos or floris, it is possible that a filtered sauce, i.e a sauce derived from the flos («flower of the flower»), was intended, though we can also see from tituli picti that other ways to signify a filtered sauce were possi- ble [CIL 4.7110: liquamen optimum saccatum «the best filtered fish sauce»; Curtis (1991: 195), Grainger (2010: 69)]. Had this product been put directly into an amphora, it would continue to set- tle out with the desirable sauce in the base spike while the paste forms a plug near the top. Figure 5 shows a mackerel flos liquamen after it has settled.

Currently, I am experimenting with the possibility that this emulsion was diluted at this stage (with reference to common tituli picti for lymphatum) to reduce the specific gravity and cause the bone-free allec to settle into the spike and free up the sauce so it can be accessed. This would then constitute the bone-free allec valued as a fish paste.

WHAT HAPPENED TO THE BONES

When larger fish such as mackerel (20-40 cm) are used, I estimate that as much as 40% of the fish can remain undissolved and clearly constitute a potential second sauce. When smaller and very small fish (5-10 cm) are used such as Sprattus sprattus, the majority of the flesh is dissolved and the bones disarticulate, but the layer of bone is thick and rich in allec and able to generate a second sauce of lesser quality if diluted. In both scenarios, re-brining could occur either in situ or, as I would like to suggest, once the allec has been put into other amphorae. This would free up the processing tank for another batch of fish while they are in abundance during the summer months and allow the second sauces to be generated in transit.

The small-scale recipes recommended using a basket to filter the sauce of bone when it was removed. On a large scale, this seems both unwieldy and hard to envision. Without a bone filter, as the emulsion was removed, more of the thick sauce will be contaminated by the bone. In fact, it is likely the process of removal of the sauce did not stop, i.e. as the bone was revealed, it sim- ply went into other amphorae. In this way, early amphorae used for the flos product would have small amounts of bone, while later ones, probably of a different shape, contained larger amounts. In each case, it was the liquid fish sauce that was the final product. The bones were transported because they still retained flesh or were in a thick paste and could not be easily removed if disarticulated. We have been looking for a rational economic reason why what appears to be a very bony fish sauce residue was shipped so widely. We believe we now have a logical reason. Rather than the bony allec being a fish paste of limited value, it was simply a semi-processed fish sauce waiting further processing. In transit, the sauce developed its protein levels, and, at the port, market, or place of use, the new flos emulsion would be poured off the bones remaining in the amphora. It is very likely that many of the urban sites with evidence of allec will undoubtedly represent this discarded bone (see Table 2).

One of the defining characters of the fish sauces» residues found on land, first identified by Desse-Berset & Desse (2000: 91), was the quality of the preservation. The bones were often fragmentary, even described as fish bone flour. This damage was judged to be caused by the fermentation process and decomposition. Also, it was assumed that, as cooking is considered to be part of the process, this would have also damaged the bone (Desse-Berset & Desse, 2000: 93). It is important to note that there was no apparent dam- age to the bones caused by the fermentation process (Figure 6 shows mackerel opercula after a successful fermentation).

There was also no evidence of digestion in the form of acid etching. As already noted, cooking of a fish sauce appeared to be a separate and domestic process that was unlikely to have been used in conjunction with fermentation, and modern fish sauce techniques confirm this (Klomklao et al., 2006: 444). It is therefore possible to demonstrate that a shipment of mackerel allec subsequently ship-wrecked in the Mediterranean only a few weeks after processing would contain substantial amounts of flesh on articulated skeletons. In these circumstances, it would be impossible to distinguish between a salted fish product and one intended to be a fish sauce, using the current criteria identified by Desse-Berset & Desse (2000: 93). It seems like- ly that the defining factor in a case like Cape bear III would be the shape and size of the amphorae. In this case, the Dressel 12 amphorae, with their narrow elongated body and narrow neck, would clearly suggest semi-liquid rather than solid pieces. The Grado wreck is also of great significance. Many of the sardines remained articulated, and organic matter was present which suggest the ship may have gone down very shortly after departing. We can now see that the empty amphorae labelled as liquamen flos may have held the first sauce while the fish bones, placed in whatever amphorae were available, represented the second sauce being generated in transit.

FIGURE 5
The sauce in the form of an emulsion removed from fermented sardine, demonstrating the particles of muscle tissue in the liquid. We may considered this a «flos liquamen».

FIGURE 6
Mackerel opercula from an efficient mackerel liquamen demonstrating little damage or acid erosion.

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CONCLUSIONS

It has been possible to demonstrate that the residue of ancient fish sauce known as allec probably existed in two forms: the bone, and semi-digested fish mash which constituted a fish sauce concentrate being generated in transit and a runny bone free fish paste. The latter was likely found in the spike of fish sauce amphorae and was probably consumed as a relish or even re-brined to generate the genuine second-quality sauces that we find on amphora tituli picti. I believe it can also be demonstrated that, when whole fish sauce was manufactured, a «second sauce» from the same batch of fish may also have been shipped alongside the first sauce, and this constituted the allec currently identified as a separate bony fish paste. Both products may have needed further processing by traders and merchants before being ready for sale. The fish bone evidence associated with shipwrecks and discarded amphorae from urban sites needs re-evaluating in light of these findings. It may be possible, when finding in the future new shipwrecks, to compare the shape of amphorae with the fish bone evidence inside the vessels and determine just what was being shipped. Many of the fish bones currently considered a salted fish product were shipped in the Dressel 7-14 forms which amphorae specialists consider a fish sauce vessel rather than a salted fish vessel. One may imagine that liquids and solids would ideally be shipped in vessels designed for this purpose as Opait (2007: 117) has pointed out. The choice of vessel would clearly depend on circumstances and availability, and the re-use of amphorae make the whole issue very much more complex. The fact of re-use may render any firm conclusions about the products inside impossible. These preliminary conclusions have opened up the issue of the trade in fish across the Mediterranean. In turn, they may have profound consequences not only for our interpretation of the fish bone evidence associated with fish sauce but also much wider implications for our interpretation of the ancient economy and more particularly the relationship between Spain and Italy in terms of the trade in fish and other products.

APPENDIX 1

The Geoponica 46. Making gara

The so-called liquamen is made thus. Fish entrails are put in a container and salted; and little fish, especially sand-smelt or small red mullet or mendole or anchovy, or any small enough, are all similarly salted; and left to pickle in the sun, stirring frequently. When the heat has pickled them, the garos is got from them thus: a deep close woven basket is inserted into the centre of the vessel containing these fish, and the garos flows into the basket. This, then, is how the liquamen is obtained by filtering through the basket; the residue makes alix.

The Bithynians make it thus. Take preferably small or large mendole, or, if none, anchovy or scad or mackerel, or also alix, and a mixture of all these, and put them into a baker’s bowl of the kind in which dough is kneaded; to one modios of fish knead in 6 Italian pints of salt so that it is well mixed with the fish, and leaving it overnight put it in an earthenware vessel and leave it uncovered in the sun for 2 or 3 months, occasionally stirring with a stick, then take [the fluid?], cover and store. Some add 2 pints of old wine to each pint of fish.

If you want to use the garon at once, that is, not by ageing in the sun but by cooking, make it thus. Into pure brine, which you have tested by floating an egg in it (if it sinks, the brine is not salty enough) in a new bowl, put the fish; add oregano; place over a sufficient fire, until it boils, that is, until it begins to reduce a little. Some also add grape syrup. Then cool and filter it; filter a second and a third time until it runs clear; cover and store. A rather high quality garos, called haimation, is made thus. Take tunny entrails with the gills, fluid and blood, sprinkle with sufficient salt, leave in a vessel for two months at the most; then pierce the jar, and the garos called haimation flows out.

Translation: Andrew Dalby (2011), The Geoponica Prospect Books.

(Pseudo) Gargilius Martialis, Medicinae ex holeribus et pomis 62.

A confection of liquamen which is called oenogarum.
Naturally oily fishes are caught/ taken, such as are salmon and eels and shad and sardines or herrings, and an arrangement of the following kind is made of them along with dried fragrant herbs with salt/ they are put together with fragrant died herbs and salt in this way. A good, sturdy vessel. well pitched, with a capacity of three or four modii, is got ready, and dried herbs with a good fragrance are taken – these can be garden or field herbs – namely dill, coriander, fennel, celery, sicareia, sclareia?, rue, mint, sisymbrium (?wild thyme), lovage, pennyroyal, oregano, bettony, argemonia, and the first layer is spread out at the bottom of the vessel using these. Then the second layer is laid down using fish –whole if they are small, cut in pieces if they are larger – over this is added the third layer of salt two fingers deep, and the vessel is to be filled right to the top in this, with succes- sive triple layers of herbs, fish and salt. It should then be closed up with a lid fitted and put aside as it is for seven days.

When the seven days are over, the mixture should be stirred right to the bottom, using a wooden paddle shaped like an oar, twice or three times every day. When this process is complete, the liquor which flows out of this mixture is collected. And in this way liquamen or oenogarum is made from it. Two sextarii of this liquor are taken and are mixed with half a sextarius of wine, then single bundles of (each of) four herbs – viz. dill, coriander, savoury and sclareia. A (one) little handful of fenugreek seed is also thrown in, and of the aromatics thirty or forty grains of pepper, three pennies of costum by weight, the same of cinnamon, the same of clove, and when pounded up finely these are mixed with the same liquor.

Then this mixture should be cooked in an iron or a bronze pan until it reduced to a sextarius in volume. But before it is cooked half a pound of purified honey ought to be added to it. When it has been cooked it ought to be strained through a bag like a medicine until it is clear – it needs to be boiling when it is poured into the bag. When clarified and cooled it is kept in a well-pitched vessel in order to give flavour to opsonia.

Translation Dr C. Grocock

Categorias
Garum

SALTED FISH INDUSTRY IN ROMAN LUSITANIA

SALTED FISH INDUSTRY IN ROMAN LUSITANIA: TRADE MEMORIES BETWEEN OCEANUS AND MARE NOSTRUM

HERITAGES AND MEMORIES FROM THE SEA
1. UNCOVERING HERITAGES AND MEMORIES
SÓNIA BOMBICO - msbombico@uevora - University of Évora

 ABSTRACT 

Initiated by Augustus, Rome’s Atlantic policy seems to have been consolidated in the age of Claudius, with the acknowledgement of the economic potential offered by the Atlantic region. It is in this context that we must understand the development of the salted-fish industry in Lusitania. In the same geographical contexts, and in close relationship with fish-processing factories, are known about 20 pottery centres producing amphorae, located in the regions of Peniche, Sado and Tejo valleys, and the coasts of Alentejo and Algarve. This production extended in time beyond the end of the Western Roman Empire and up to the end of the 5th and 6th centuries, according to the archaeological data of some amphora kilns and fish-processing sites. The identification of Lusitanian amphorae in distant consuming centres and several shipwrecks in the Mediterranean basin confirm the long-distance commerce and the total integration of this “peripheral” region into the trade routes of the Roman Empire. 

THE “CONQUEST” OF THE ATLANTIC FACADE

The inclusion of the Lusitania Province and the northwestern Iberian Peninsula into the Roman Empire allowed for the existence of regular long-distance contacts with other provinces and especially with the Mediterranean. The spreading out of Rome’s power to Britannia and Germania Inferior – a process completed in the middle of the 1st century AD – inevitably provided the Roman Empire with a wide Atlantic coastal area. 

The trade networks established along the Atlantic facades of the Iberian Peninsula supplied not only the cities but also, and above all, the fixed military camps located in the northwestern Iberian Peninsula. The archaeological data suggests a preferred relationship with the Baetica province and the port of Gades, where the supply of corn, wine and olive oil was controlled by the state (Remensal Rodriguéz 1986, 111; Morillo Cerdán and Salido Domínguez 2010, 148). Those military supply networks can also be related to the more recently established routes towards Britannia and Germania Inferior (Fernández Ochoa and Morillo Cerdán 2010, 115; García Vargas 2010, 65). 

Actually, despite some sailing difficulties, the Atlantic route constituted the best choice considering the distance/cost relationship (Carreras Monfort 2000; Blot, M.L. 2003; Fabião 2009a, 53). However, international studies have valued the importance of the Gallic isthmus and the Rhone and Rhine routes, underlining the supposed Hispanic peripheral condition and depreciating the Atlantic route (Carreras Monfort 2000, Fabião 2009 a). 

The lack of shipwreck records on the Atlantic coast from Cadiz to La Coruna in the work of Parker (1992), coupled with a somewhat non-contextualised analysis of Ora Maritima (ca. 4th century), has contributed to an increased skepticism regarding the Atlantic navigation of the Romans. Cadiz, described by Strabo (ca. 1st century) with enthusiasm, lay in ruins three centuries later, according to Avienus (Mantas 2000). 

Nevertheless, in the last decades, archaeological underwater discoveries in maritime and fluvial contexts (Bombico 2012, Cardoso 2013, Blot and Bombico 2014) along the Atlantic facade have contributed to a better understanding and characterisation of settlements and sea routes. 

Initiated by Augustus, Rome’s Atlantic policy seems to have been consolidated in the age of Claudius, with the acknowledgement of the economic potential offered by the Atlantic region (Mantas 2002–2003, 459; Fabião 2005, 84). In fact, between the middle of the 1st century BC and the 1st century AD, the quantity of archaeological evidence 

indicative of Roman presence in the western Iberian Peninsula grows exponentially, confirming data found in classical literature sources (Pomponius Mela, Pliny, Strabo and Avienus). Thus, Pliny wrote that “the cities worthy of mention on the coast, beginning from the Tagus, are that of Olisipo, famous for its mares, which conceive from the west wind; Salacia, which is surnamed the Imperial City; Merobriga; and then the Sacred Promontory, with the other known by the name of Cuneus, and the towns of Ossonoba, Balsa, and Myrtili”.1 

1 Cf. Pliny, Nat. Hist., 435.21. 

The complexity of the Atlantic environment makes it particularly difficult to recognise ancient port facilities and calls for a reflection on the concept of harbour space. In fact, these vestiges are not always materialized in specific harbour equipment. Sometimes, it could be that, as described by Strabo regarding the Tiber River, ships were unloaded through the use of smaller vessels (Blot, M.L. 2003, 22). 

The historical and archaeological data collected in the last decades suggest the following scenario: 

– the existence of a significant exploitation of marine resources (mainly fish products) correlated with amphora kilns; 

– an interest for estuaries and the influence they had on the development of Lusitania’s maritime cities; 

– the proliferation of archaeological records related to transport and circulation of goods by sea along the Atlantic coastline (such as the pattern of distribution of some amphorae and terra sigillata); and lastly, 

– the identification of archaeological remains of ancient navigation (lead anchor stocks, shipwrecks and lighthouses). 

The main Roman viae in Lusitania seem to arise, on the one hand, from the necessity to link maritime cities among each other, and, on the other hand, from the necessity to connect them to the fluvial routes that penetrated the territory (Mantas 2002–2003). This means that roads combined maritime routes and oceanic termini with inner termini (Blot, M.L. 2003). These elements suggest an ancient economy based on both agriculture and fishing to which sea trade was added. The development of salt exploitation, linked to fishing activities, allowed for the production of salted fish, one of the most important industries in Roman Lusitania (Edmondson 1987, Fabião 2009b). 

Jaime Cortesão was the first Portuguese author to suggest the existence of an “Atlantic settlement process” in Roman times (Fabião 2009a). Later studies have further analysed that topic (Edmondson 1987, Mantas 1990, Blot, M.L. 2003). It is interesting to note that the cases of the Sado and the Tagus rivers seem to confirm Jaime Cortesão’s supposition and, indeed, there are indications of coastal settlement (or coastal settlement increase) in Roman times (Fabião 2009a). It is in this context that we must understand the development of the fish products industry in Lusitania.

FISH PRODUCTS AND AMPHORAE FROM ROMAN LUSITANIA

The ancient Lusitanian maritime installations were made up by a set of harbours, the so-called “harbour complexes” (Blot, M.L. 1998, 154; Mantas 2000; Blot, M.L. 2003), integrated into the same navigable geographical reality, such as an estuary. In the same geographical contexts, and in close relationship with fish-processing factories, are known at least 18 pottery centres producing amphorae, located in the regions of Peniche, Sado and Tejo valleys, and the coasts of Alentejo and Algarve (Mayet 2001, Fabião 2004). In perfect geographic relationship with the kilns, and dependent on fishing and the extraction of salt, were developed the fish-salting workshops (Fabião 2009b) (Figures 1 and 2). 

Although the classical authors do not mention this kind of production in Lusitania, the importance of the salted fish industry is evident given the extensive structural remains of cetariae distributed along the southern and western coasts of the province, indicating a significant production volume (Fabião and Guerra 1993, 999; Étienne and Mayet 1993–94, 218). Moreover, with 25 identified fish-salting workshops, Tróia was one of the largest production centres in the Roman world (Vaz Pinto, Magalhães and Brum 2014, 156). 

The oldest evidence of a fish products industry and its containers dates from the beginnings of the Principate and is generally associated with ovoid amphorae from the Julio-Claudian period, particularly with the workshops of Abul and Pinheiro (Sado valley), and Morraçal da Ajuda (Peniche) (Fabião 2004, Fabião and Morais 2007, Fabião 2008). 

Between the middle of the 1st and the end of the 2nd centuries AD the Dressel 14 amphora dominated the production in Lusitanian kilns. During the 2nd century begins the production of a new type of amphora in the pottery centres of Sado and Tagus, the Lusitana 3. This type, characterised by its flat bottom that seems to be inspired by the Gauloise 4 type, has been typically associated with the transportation of wine. 

Between the end of the 2nd century and the beginnings of the 3rd century, profound changes in the production of fish products in Lusitania took place, changes that occurred at the level of organisation of fish processing units and the pottery workshops, and which made themselves felt in the import records of Lusitanian amphorae in the port of Ostia (Panella and Rizzo 2014), the city of Rome (Panella et al. 2010, Rizzo 2012) and progressively in the majority of Western Mediterranean sites. 

This transition period is marked by the abandonment of some produc tion units and by the restructuring or subdivision of the salting tanks. This discontinuity in the Lusitanian production is comparable to the occurred within the “Círculo del Estrecho” (Villaverde Vega 1990, Lagosténa Barrios 2001, Bernal Casasola 2008) and arises in correlation with the global set of economic and political changes that occurred in the Roman world between the end of the 2nd century and the beginnings of the 3rd century. 

In the course of the 3rd century we are witnessing a resumption of exploration and exportation, which reaches its peak during the 4th century. While the major centres at the rivers Sado and Tagus continue in operation, new centres emerge, especially in the Algarve (Fabião 2009b, 576). This new phase of production is characterised by a diversification of amphorae types 2 (Figure 3).

2 More information on forms, typologies and the characteristics of the materials can be obtained through the References cited below and http://amphorae.icac.cat/tipol/geo/map (Amphorae Ex Hispania). 

 

Between the 3rd and the 5th centuries AD, Almagro 51c replaced the Dressel 14 as the dominant form, and throughout this period three successive versions of this form were known. At the centres of the rivers Tagus and Sado, the Almagro 51c, Almagro 50 and Keay XVI forms were produced, as well as the Keay 78 form, at the Sado, and the flat-bottomed Lusitana 9, from the Tagus estuary. In the course of the 4th century appears the Almagro 51 A&B (Mayet 2001, Fabião 2004 and 2008). The Sado 3 form appears in the late 4th century or in the 5th century and its production is documented in the pottery workshop of Pinheiro (Mayet and Silva 1998 apud Fabião 2008, 742). The Beltrán 72 form, long considered as a production of the Algarve, was subsequently excluded from the Lusitanian productions by most authors and assigned to the late productions of the Cadiz Bay area (Fabião 2004, 397). However, current archaeological studies continue to refer to forms of this type with Lusitanian fabrics, which leaves the question open to discussion (Garcia Vargas 2007, 343; Bombico et al. 2014). 

The fish products industry continued, beyond the fall of the Roman Empire, up to the 6th century, according to the archaeological data of some amphora kilns and fish-processing sites (Fabião 2008, 740 and 743; Fabião 2009c). 

The data available for the study of the distribution of Lusitanian products are, for the most part, confined to the study of fish amphorae. This fact leads us to consider fish as the main food product produced and exported by the province, relegating the possible wine export to a secondary position. Unfortunately, the epigraphic tradition (stamps) is hardly present in the Lusitanian productions (Fabião and Guerra 2004) and the only titulus pictus known is the LIQ (uamen) in a Dressel 14 parva from the Arles-Rhône 3 area (Quillon 2011, 108). 

Some fish bone remains from processing tanks in Lusitania and Mediterranean shipwrecks, as well as the diversity of the amphorae forms, indicate that the province had produced and exported both salted fish (salsamenta) and fish sauces (garum, hallex, liquamen, muria, etc.), thus turning the rich sea life of the Atlantic waters into an economic advantage. 

On the basis of faunal remains, a clear pattern emerges in the spectrum of species used in the preparation of fish products in Roman times. The fish sauces were produced mainly from clupeiform fishes: sardines all itlaics, sardinella (Sardinella sp.) and, to a lesser extent, anchovies (Engraulis encrasicolus). Sea breams (Sparidae) were also regularly used, albeit usually in smaller proportions. For salsamenta, the Spanish mackerel (Scomber japonicus) was preferred, although the use of scad (Trachurus sp.) is also documented (Van Neer et al. 2010, 162). 

Figure 1 – Pottery centres: 1‑Morraçal da Ajuda; 2‑Garrocheira; 3‑Porto dos Cacos; 4‑Quinta do Rouxinol; 5‑Zambujalinho; 6‑Largo da Misericórdia; 7‑Quinta da Alegria; 8‑Pinheiro; 9‑Xarrosinha; 10‑Abul; 11‑Bugio; 12‑Barrosinha; 13‑Martinhal; 14‑Quinta do Lago; 15‑S. João da Venda; 16‑Torre de Aires; 17‑Manta Rota; 18‑S. Bartolomeu de Castro Marim. (Fabião 2004, 389) 

Figure 2 – Fish-salting workshops: 1‑Peniche (?); 2‑Cascais; 3‑Tagus estuary: Casa do Governador da Torre de Belém, Baixa de Lisboa, Porto Brandão and Cacilhas; Sado estuary: 4‑Creiro; 5‑Rasca; 6‑Comenda, Setubal and Tróia; 7‑Sines; 8‑Ilha do Pessegueiro; 9‑Beliche; 10‑Ilhéu da Baleeira (?); 11‑Salema; 12‑Boca do Rio; 13‑Burgau; 14‑Senhora da Luz; 15-Lagos and Meia Praia. 16 – Vau; 17 – Portimões; 18 – Baralha 2; 19 – Ferragudo; 20‑Armação de Pêra; 21‑Cerro da Vila; 22‑Quarteira; 23‑Loulé Velho; 24‑Quinta do Lago; 25‑Faro; 26‑Olhão; 27‑Quinta de Marim; 28‑Torre de Aires; 29‑Quinta do Muro and 30‑Cacela. (Fabião 2009b, 565)

Figure 3 – Lusitanian amphorae types: a) Dressel 14, b) Lusitana 3, c) Almagro 51c, d) Lusitana 9, e) Keay XVI, f) Almagro 50, g) Keay 78/Sado 1, h) Almagro 51 A&B and i) Sado 3

The archaeological evidences, from mid-1st century BC, reveal a major utilisation of Spanish mackerel in the Baetican production (Desse- Berset and Desse 2000; García Vargas 2006, 41). On the other hand, fish bones of sardines have been found in several Lusitanian amphorae from shipwrecks (Fabião and Guerra 1993, 1005–1006; Desse-Berset and Desse 2000) (Table 1). In addition, sardine (Sardina pilchardus) was the principal component of the contents found in the tanks from Lusitanian factories: “Casa do Governador”, Rua dos Correeiros, “Mandarim Chinês”, factories I and II of Tróia, Quinta do Marim (Olhão) and Travessa do Freire Gaspar (Setúbal). All the analysed fish remains came from a later phase in the use of fish vats, between the 3rd and the 5th centuries (Desse-Berset and Desse 2000, Assis and Amaro 2006, Gabriel et al. 2009). Thus, it seems that, at least in Late Antiquity, sardine was a most important element in the manufacturing of fish products in Lusitania. 

Nevertheless, the identification of processed fish remains is a complicated task, and there are still discrepancies between the archaeozoological evidence and the one provided by epigraphic and literary sources (Van Neer et al. 2010, 162). 

UNDERWATER MEMORIES FROM MARE NOSTRUM: SHIPWRECKS AND TRADE ROUTES

As an event that occurs at a single point in time, the shipwreck presents a very narrow chronological spectrum. Isochrony is one of the main characteristics of the goods transported by a ship and found among a shipwrecked cargo (Blot, J.-Y. 1998, 118). It is an exceptional archaeological context. “Each underwater shipwreck site that has been excavated and published provides a snapshot of the trade of its time, as we may deduce that all objects being transported were contemporary; if not produced in the same year, they were at least sold at the same time” (Mayet 1998, 83). 

Amphorae play an important role in the study of maritime trade, as they are containers specifically designed for maritime transport (Carreras Monfort 2000, 32). The importance of the amphorae found in the marine environment is linked to their context and conservation state. When conserved as a whole, which happens in many cases, it is possible to define their shape, size and capacity. They often preserve stamps and tituli picti that provide us with relevant information regarding origins, contents and trading processes. On the other hand, they allow us to infer navigation and maritime traffic routes that can be defined not only by the shipwreck location but also, and mainly, by the combination, in the same load, of archaeological materials of different origins. That is to say that, in some cases, the arrangement of different goods on board of a wrecked ship provides insight into the route of its final voyage, or the use of entrepôts (Parker 1992b, 89). 

Table 1 – Faunal remains in Lusitanian amphorae 

Note: In the shipwrecks of Catalans (Marseilles) and Sud-Lavezzi 1 have been identified remains of Spanish mackerel (Scomber japonicus) associated to the Almagro 51 A&B/Keay XIX amphora type, probably from a South-Hispanic fabric, non-Lusitanian.

The data included in this paper is part of a wider research project that is currently under way within the scope of the doctoral thesis of the author. The data presented here represents only a small sample of the data available for analysis, which corresponds to more than 40 shipwreck sites. Based on the published data (Edmonson 1987, Lopes and Mayet 1990, Parker 1992a, Étienne and Mayet 1993–94, Fabião 1996 and 1997), we are trying to update the inventory of shipwreck sites containing Lusitanian amphorae. In the late 1990s, Carlos Fabião presented an updated inventory with a total of 33 shipwreck sites that contained “Lusitanian type” amphorae (Fabião 1997), a much greater number of sites than the previous inventory from F. Mayet, which recorded 17 shipwrecks (Lopes and Mayet 1990, Étienne and Mayet 1993–94). More recently, Andrew Philip Souter, based solely on the above-mentioned published data, reintroduced a distribution of Mediterranean shipwrecks that contained Lusitanian amphorae (Souter 2012, 156). However, in the last 17 years, a set of new underwater archaeological works allowed for the adding of new shipwreck sites to the inventory (Bombico et al. 2014 and Bombico, in press). 

For this paper, only a small number of sites have been selected. They seem to correspond to different models of commerce and transport that fall largely within the east-west routes departing from the Iberian Peninsula towards Rome. The global analysis of the available data suggests a much more complex set of routes that include the Central and Eastern Mediterranean, but we will not address this here. 

Shipwrecks constitute a primary source for studies on the circulation of goods; however, they pose limitations. Shipwrecks have been described as closed deposits, and yet there may be elements of disturbance or contamination, especially in port contexts or ship graveyards, such as some sites in the Strait of Bonifacio. In some cases, mistaken topography and insufficient information about the material found or the site itself cause serious problems for the archaeological interpretation (Parker 1981, 332). 

The set of shipwrecks traditionally associated with the presence of “Lusitanian type” amphorae is, overall, a set of ill-characterised underwater sites. Those are, for the most part, sites where occasional surface sampling (with poor location records and lacking scientific rigour) took place, where a systematic archaeological intervention has never been carried out, and where results have been published in an incomplete way. The big challenge here would be to clarify these data, which, ideally, would entail the re-examination of all the amphorae that have been identified in all of the shipwreck contexts. Such challenge, however, will not be totally met within the scope of the aforesaid doctoral thesis, mainly for reasons that have to do with the time available to perform the investigation, and the ample geographical dispersion of the finds, and of the collections. On the other hand, much of the material recovered during the 1960s, the 1970s and the 1980s cannot be located. 

But perhaps the biggest problem in analysing these data is the recognition of Lusitanian fabrics. Their identification has proved problematic, mainly because of developments in the archaeological research of Hispanic pottery workshops. Today, we know that “Lusitanian type” amphorae (amongst which are the forms of wider distribution Dressel 14, and the Almagro 50 and 51 series) were also produced in other parts of southern Hispania (Bernal Casasola 1998, Bernal and García Vargas 2008, Fabião 2008). In order to clarify their origin it is necessary to reassess, in the light of the new data, the ceramic assemblages that were published in particular up until the 1990s and the inventories held in museums. On the other hand, it remains difficult to identify Lusitanian productions amongst the vast set of published data, as it is very common to find generic classifications of origin, such as “South-Hispanic” or simply “from the Iberian Peninsula”. 

It should also be taken into account that fish products were, in some cases, a secondary cargo that could have been part of a subsidiary and free trade system whose volumes did not come close to the ones of the redistribution of wheat, olive oil, wine, metals or marble, promoted by the state, and bound for the two great markets of the Roman world: Rome and the military camps (Tchernia 2011). In addition, the underwater archaeology data have emphasised the presumed complementary role of the diffusion of Lusitanian productions in relation to other regions, namely Baetica (Mantas 1990, 170 and 191; Lopes and Mayet 1990, 299 and 300). 

The set of shipwrecks with amphorae of Lusitanian production on board is quite heterogeneous. There are cases in which Lusitanian amphorae constitute the main cargo and cases in which they are secondary or supplementary cargo. There are also some examples in which their small quantity seems to indicate that they would have been part of the crew’s belongings. However, in any case, their presence allows us to establish chronologies and understand routes (direct, redistribution, long distance, cabotage, etc.). And in some cases, the remains of the hull may indicate the size and capacity of the vessel. 

The heterogeneity of the shipwrecks allowed us to conjecture a few different models of circulation and transportation. We have sought to build a comprehensive image of the diversity of existing cases over, i.e., from the middle of the 1st century AD to the end of the 5th century AD. Similarly to what has been recently done by Giulia Boetto (2012, 156), we have selected a heterogeneous sample of wrecks and applied hypothetical models of “commercial routes” to them (Figure 4).

The transportation of Lusitanian fish products must have occurred by way of a homogenous shipment that is loaded at the same time in a major port – located near the area of production of the cargo – and then sent through a direct route to another major port. This model is likely to have been used for transport between, for example, the port of Olisipo and Gades or Olisipo and Carthago Nova, and less likely to have been used in very long distance routes, such as the ones between Olisipo and Rome, although the shipwreck of Cala Reale A, in northern Sardinia, with a predominantly Lusitanian cargo, may suggest such model. Yet, it is very likely that a significant part of Lusitanian fish products may have been exported via negotiatores based in the port of Gades (Lopes and Mayet 1990, 300; Étienne and Mayet 1993–94, 216; Mantas 1998, 208 and 213). 

 

Figure 4 – Shipwrecks containing Lusitanian amphorae and discussed in the text: 

1st/2nd century: 1‑San Antonio Abad; 2‑Cap Bénat 1; 3‑Punta Sardegna A; 4‑Escombreras 4; 5‑Tiboulen-de-Maire 

3rd century: 6-Cabrera I; 7-Cabrera III; 8-Punta Ala A; 9-Porticcio A 

4th/5th century: 10-Cala Reale A; 11-Sud-Lavezzi 1; 12-Fontanamare A/Gonnesa Sito A; 13-Punta Vecchia 1; 14-Sancti Petri; 15-Scauri 

Therefore, we believe that shipwrecks with predominantly Lusitanian cargos can correspond to a model which is somewhat different from the one previously described and would originate from a South-Hispanic port, such as Gades or Carthago Nova – i.e., a homogenous shipment that is loaded at the same time in a major port – far away from the area of production of the majority of the goods – and sent through a direct route to another major port. The wrecks of San Antonio Abad/Grum de Sal (Ibiza), Cap Bénat 1 (Var, France) or Punta Sardegna A (Strait of Bonifacio), all with a homogeneous main cargo of Lusitanian Dressel 14 amphorae, which are datable from the second half of the 1st century to the middle of the 2nd century AD, fit into this type of route parting from the south of the Iberian Peninsula and heading to one of the larger ports of the south of Gaul or to the ports of Rome. 

In the summers of 1962 and 1963, archaeological campaigns were carried out at the shipwreck site of San Antonio Abad (Ibiza). Several amphorae belonging to the Dressel 14 type (Figure 5), containing a fish-based product, were retrieved, as well as some opercula (Vilar-Sancho and Mañá 1964 and 1965), the remains corresponding to a vessel with no less than 25 meters in length (Vilar Sancho and Mañá 1964, 187). Later, during the 1980s and 1990s, the site was again subject to archaeological works, and the ceramic materials were stored in the deposit of the Museo Arqueológico de Ibiza y Formentera. 

The shipwreck site known as Cap Bénat 1 had its first intervention in 1971. With the exception of two different fragments, a flat-bottomed amphora and a PE 25 from Ibiza, the total of the materials observed and retrieved belonged to the same amphora type. The formal description and the drawings allow us to identify the amphorae as being Dressel 14 (Figure 6), and the description of the fabric indicates a probable Lusitanian production (Calmes 1973, 142). There were also three opercula retrieved (Calmes 1973, 137–140). The majority of the retrieved pieces are presently in the Dépôt de Saint-Raphael (Fréjus); however, we were able to examine a rim fragment and a spike of Dressel 14 of Lusitanian fabric in the Depôt archéologique régional d’Aix les Milles. 

Figure 5 – Dressel 14 amphorae from San Antonio Abad shipwreck. (Vilar Sancho and Mañá 1965, Lamina XLVII) 

Figure 6 – Dressel 14 amphorae and opercula from Cap Bénat 1 shipwreck. (Calmes 1973, 143)

The site of Punta Sardegna A is located in the Maddalena Archipelago, in the southern part of the Strait of Bonifacio. This place has recently undergone underwater archaeological works carried out by the Università di Sassari, under the supervision of professor Pier Giorgio Spanu. Based on the work performed on the site, we can assume that the shipwreck was a vessel carrying mostly Lusitanian amphorae of fish products from the Dressel 14 type. But also a spike of Dressel 7-11, a handle of Dressel 20 from Baetica, a spike of Dressel 2-4 Italic and two opercula were recovered from the site (Porqueddu 2013, 86–90, 114–115; Porqueddu, Giarrusso and Spanu, in press). 

Until the mid-2nd century AD, archaeological records also present cases in which Lusitanian Dressel 14 amphorae were a secondary cargo, a residual cargo, or simply objects that belonged to the crew. We have chosen two examples: Escombreras 4 and Tiboulen-de-Maire. 

The site of Escombreras 4 is located on the coast of Carthago Nova. It is presumed to be the shipwreck of a merchant ship coming from Baetica with a main cargo of Haltern 70, Dressel 8 and 9, and some Beltrán IIB and Lusitanian Dressel 14, from the second half of the 1st century AD (Pinedo Reyes and Alonso Campoy 2004, 131–133). A specimen of these amphorae, which we were able to observe, is deposited in the MNAS (Arqua-Cartagena) (ESC-I/17.17/2/10354). 

The site of Tiboulen-de-Maire is located near a small island, to the south of Marseille. The site has undergone two underwater archaeological campaigns carried out by DRASSM (Département des recherches archéologiques subaquatiques et sous-marines) in 1977 and 1978. Since 1999, survey and excavations have been undertaken yearly at the site. It is a presumed shipwreck with a main cargo of Baetic olive oil amphorae Dressel 20 (70%), and a heterogeneous secondary cargo including: fish sauce amphorae types Beltrán IIA and IIB (14%), and Dressel 14 (2%); wine containers Gauloise 4 (4%), Dressel 28 (3%) and Dressel 2-4 from Tarraconensis (3%), two Forlimpopoli amphorae; a North African amphora and a Dressel 7-11 (Djaoui 2011, 625). The cargo materials establish a chronology between AD 130 and AD 150, and the archaeological works of the last decade allowed for the study of the remains of the hull (Ximénès and Moerman 2006). More recent campaigns, undertaken mostly after 2005, have confirmed that more than 80% of the transported goods were from Baetica, particularly olive oil. We can assume that there was a home port located in that region, with a hypothetical use of a redistribution port, such as Narbonne or Marseille (Ximénès 2007, 10; Djaoui 2011, 629). At the Dépôt archéologique régional d’Aix les Milles there is a top part of a Dressel 14 of Lusitanian fabric, retrieved from this shipwreck. 

The two following cases outline the maritime exports of Lusitanian fish products throughout the 3rd century AD. These were shipments of different product ranges, loaded at the same time at a main redistributing port and most likely headed for another main port. Lusitanian amphorae shared cargo space on board of the ships with Baetican and North African containers. This presents a peculiar scenario, since, within this chronology, there are no shipwrecks in which Lusitanian amphorae were the main cargo. This may be connected to the above mentioned period of transition, documented through the levels of archaeological finds related to the fish processing factories and amphora kilns in Lusitania. 

The shipwreck of Cabrera I was surveyed between 1978 and 1979 and is located at about 60 meters from Cabrera III. According to records from the time of the survey, it was possible to identify several amphorae of types Almagro 50 and 51C, Béltran 72, and Africana II variants B and D. This cargo is identical to the one of Cabrera III, which dates the shipwreck to AD 300–325 (Guerrero Ayuso and Colls 1982; Bost et al. 1992, 13; Parker 1992a, 80). 

The site of Cabrera III was also surveyed in 1979, having been later excavated in 1985 and 1986. The shipwreck was dated to the year AD 257, based on the treasure of coins aboard the ship. According to naval architecture data, this was a ship of about 35 meters in length. The cargo was stacked in two layers and was composed of Baetic olive oil amphorae Dressel 20 and Tejarillo I, Africana II variants B and C, Almagro 50 and 51C from Lusitania and a small number of Beltrán 68 and Beltrán 72. The cargo also included ARS types A and C (Guerrero Ayuso and Colls 1982; Bost et al. 1992; Parker 1992a, 81). The specimens from the types Almagro 50 and 51c, exhibited in the Museo de Cabrera, have Lusitanian fabrics. 

The archaeological works carried out at these sites led to the conclusion that, on the basis of the disposition of the containers, all had been shipped at the same time. So, considering the apparent Iberian provenience of much of the cargo and the location of the wreck in the Balearic Islands, it seems that the ship was in route from the Iberian Peninsula to Italy, with Gades as its most probable port of departure, and Ostia/ Portus as its likely destination (Bost et al. 1992, 200–202). 

The 3rd century reveals yet another interesting shipwreck context: the site of Porticcio A, located on the west coast of Corsica. This shipwreck contains a very heterogeneous cargo, probably loaded at the same time at a main redistributing port and transported along a redistribution route to a secondary port. The location of the shipwreck and the characteristics of its cargo suggest that this was a cargo that had been ordered. The site was discovered in 1990 and was subjected to archaeological works from 2001 onwards. The quite heterogeneous cargo includes amphorae form the eastern and western Mediterranean, ARS type C, common ware and African cooking ware, some mortaria, one lamp, over 100 glass objects and several fragments of marble statues (Alfonsi 2008a and 2010). The shipment of amphorae is mostly Kapitan II, with a smaller amount of Africana II and Kapitan I. The great variety of amphorae types also includes a smaller presence of the following types: Africana I, Forlimpopoli, Agora M254, Almagro 51C, Almagro 50, Dressel 20, Dressel 23, Agora F65/66, Crétoise 2, Dressel 30, Dressel 28, Beltrán 72, Amphore Égyptienne, Empoli, Tripolitana, Peacock & Williams 60 and Zemer 57, besides other unclassified types. The re-examination of the materials of the deposit of Sartène confirmed the presence of three rims and of a spike of Almagro 51C of Lusitanian fabric. Amongst the marble pieces, fragments belonging to two monumental statues stand out: a bust representing the Emperor Philip the Arab, who reigned between AD 244 and AD 249, and another one likely belonging to his wife, Empress Marcia Otacilia Severa (Alfonsi 2007, 93; 2008a and 2008b). Remains of the hull of the ship were also identified (Alfonsi 2003, 79 and 2006, 94). The two coins that were discovered, one from Philip I and another from Philip II, provide a terminus post quem of AD 248–9 for the shipwreck (Alfonsi 2006, 91). In this specific case, the Lusitanian amphorae are residual in a very heterogeneous cargo. Considering the description of the cargo, the most likely origin of this vessel was the port of Carthage. Michel Bonifay (2007, 257) compares this shipwreck to the one of Ognina Sud 1, dating to the first half of the 3rd century, in which a shipment of eastern Kapitan I and II amphorae completes a shipment of mostly Africana I. According to the author, these two shipwrecks suggest that the joint commercialisation of African and eastern types could have been done from the North African ports. 

During Late Antiquity, the number of shipwrecks containing Lusitanian amphorae is quite larger. This supports the archaeological data from Lusitania, which reveal a considerable increase in the production of fish products throughout the 4th century, and at the outset of the 5th century (Fabião 2009b, 571). Between the end of the 3rd century and the beginning of the 5th century, a quite varied set of shipwrecks sustains the evidence of distinct cargo typologies and of different circulation scenarios, likely contemporaneous. However, the main commerce routes that led from southern Baetica to Ostia and Portus via coastal Tarraconensis and southern Narbonensis were generally kept, as were the variants that used a process of island hopping (Balearic Islands, Corsica and Sardinia) on routes that led towards Italy via the Strait of Bonifacio. 

Figure 7 – Amphorae from Cala Reale A shipwreck. From the left to the right: Almagro 51&B, Sado 3, Beltrán 72 and Almagro 51C (Gasperetti 2012, fig.8)

Figure 8 – Amphorae from Fontanamare A shipwreck: Almagro 51C and Keay 78 (Dell’Amico et al. 2001-2002) 

Figure 9 – Almagro 51C from Punta Vecchia 1 shipwreck. Photo: Sónia Bombico

We will analyse three distinct types of cargo. Firstly, the Cala Reale A shipwreck (Strait of Bonifacio), in which the Lusitanian amphorae were, apparently, a homogeneous main cargo. (Figure 7). After its discovery, in 1995, the site has undergone various underwater archaeological campaigns. From what was published, we are able to confirm the existence of amphorae belonging to types Almagro 51 A&B, Almagro 51C, Beltrán 72 and Sado 3 (Spanu 1997, 111 and 112). Some of the amphorae still contained in situ their original cork stoppers and also some traces of fish-based products (Spanu 1997, 112). In addition to the amphorae, the archaeological works allowed for the recovery of two North African lamps, of African cooking ware, of a pitcher, of a considerable number of vitreous paste tessellae, and of two coins, one dated from the year 173 and one from the reign of the Emperor Valens (364–7). The set of materials that were retrieved allows us to establish a chronology for the shipwreck between the late 4th century and the middle of the 5th century. The total quantification revealed a cargo of around 2,000 amphorae. No remains of the vessel were identified during the whole excavation process. This vessel was likely bound for the port of Ostia and sank while approaching Turris Libisonis, possibly due to stormy weather or to touching bottom in rocky shoals (Gasperetti 2012, 301–303). During our visit to the Antiquarium Turritano and to the Centro di restauro e conservazione dei beni culturali di Sassari we were able to confirm that the totality of the above-mentioned forms was of Lusitanian origin. 

Also located on the Strait of Bonifacio, the shipwreck of Sud-Lavezzi 1, discovered in 1975, suggests a model in which the Lusitanian amphorae are the main cargo, along with other Hispanic products – Baetican in this case. Parts of the remains of the hull and some iron anchors were still preserved. The cargo, estimated at 450 amphorae, was arranged in two overlapping layers. Liou (1982, 437–444) studied this cargo, comprised of: 194 Almagro 51 A&B amphorae of varied profiles and capacities; 113 flat-bottomed amphorae of different sizes; 83 cylinder-shaped body amphorae from type Almagro 50 [or Keay 78]; some small amphorae of type Beltrán 72; 6 Almagro 51C and 3 Dressel 23. The splitting of the finds between the company Comex and the DRASSM resulted in the loss of some of the assets, aggravated later by the theft of the materials stored in the DRASSM deposit in Bonifacio. Liou suggests a time frame for the shipwreck somewhere between the 4th century and the middle of the 5th century (Massy 2013, 132–134). A small number of pieces are presently stored in the deposits of Milles and Sartène, allowing us to re-examine 13 specimens. We were able to identify the following Lusitanian fabrics: 3 Beltrán 72, 3 Almagro 51 A&B, and 2 Keay 78. 

The third model corresponds to a main cargo of Lusitanian fish products with North African products, Africana II variants B and D, and ARS types C and D. Two examples will be highlighted. 

The site of Fontanamare A/Gonnesa Sito A was excavated for the first time in 1972; however, the material that was retrieved remained unpublished until the late 1990s (Dell’Amico et al. 2001–2002). Three types of amphorae were documented on this site: Almagro 51C (the most abundant), Almagro 50 and/or Keay 78 (Figure 8) and Africana II variant D. Between 1997 and 1999, survey work took place on the site (Salvi and Sanna 2000). At least one third of the cargo appears to have been ARS, in this case the more typical forms of type C (second half of the 3rd century) and the more ancient forms of type D (beginnings of the 4th century AD). This site also revealed another set of interesting archaeological remains, among them: two amphorae cork stoppers; two lamp fragments and some common ware, probably belonging to the crew; tubuli and tegulae; metal pieces; and also some remains of the ship itself. Lastly, it is also worth mentioning that an important set of coins was found, with a chronological scope from AD 260 (Gallienus) to AD 294 (Maximianus), thus establishing the terminus post quem of the shipwreck (Dell’Amico et al. 2001–2002, 23, 45, 46, 52, 71, 83, 86, 87 and 127). The joint analysis of the recovered materials indicates that the shipwreck occurred within the first few decades of the 4th century AD. 

Dell’Amico and Pallarés suggest several hypotheses regarding the port where the ship that sank at Fontanamare was loaded. The first one presents the possibility that the loading took place in one of the redistribution ports on the southern coast of Spain. These were ports to which North African products converged via the so called “Phoenician Route”, a route that moved from east to west along the North African coast (Dell’Amico et al. 2001–2002, 142). This hypothetical scenario is similar to the one suggested for the shipwreck of Cabrera III (Bost et al. 1992, 200 and 201). Another hypothesis is that Carthage was the ship’s port of origin (Dell’Amico et al. 2001–2002, 144). In this case, the ship would have been moving in the opposite direction, meaning that Lusitanian products were being brought into the port of Carthage through routes established along the North African coast. 

From the site of Punta Vecchia 1 (Cap Corse), numerous amphorae fragments were recovered between 2004 and 2007, amounting to a total of 65 pieces. Amphora tops (rims, necks and handles) and spikes of Almagro 51C of two different sizes (67%) (Figure 9), one handle that could be of the Keay 78 form, possibly a spike of Almagro 51 A&B, another possible spike of Beltrán 72, and fragments of amphorae of Africana II, variants D and B (17%). The materials that were recovered point to the shipwreck having occurred between the late 3rd century and mid-4th century AD, with a predominately Lusitanian cargo. Small remains of wood were also identified during the works (Leroy de La Brière and Meysen 2004; Leroy de La Brière 2006, 87; Leroy de La Brière and Meysen 2007a, 88 and 89; Leroy de La Brière 2007b and Massy 2013, 110–114). The re-examination of the materials, performed in November of 2013 at the Depôt de Bastia (DRASSM), confirmed that the totality of the fragments of Almagro 51C were of Lusitanian fabric. 

This shipwreck, along with the Punta Ala A one (Dell’Amico and Pallarés 2006), confirms the circulation of Lusitanian amphorae on the circuits of the Tyrrhenian Sea and of the Ligurian Sea. Travelling along this route, ships would leave Rome, frequently with return cargos or cargos for redistribution, and when reaching the Strait of Bonifacio, would head north along the coast of Tuscany. Sailing through the Strait of Bonifacio from east to west was hindered significantly by the winds blowing from the west, so that travelling between Ostia and Gallia was done mostly through Cap Corse (Arnaud 2005, 165). A set of underwater archaeological data also documents that ships sailed in the opposite direction, along the northern coast of Corsica and of Cap Corse. This suggests an alternative route for the passing of the Strait of Bonifacio, not only for the vessels coming from Gallia, but also from the Iberian Peninsula (Arnaud 2012, 136–138). This might have been the case of the ship sunk in Punta Vecchia 1. 

The continued export of Lusitanian fish products during the 5th century, already substantiated by the Cala Reale A shipwreck, is also reliably documented in two other contexts: Sancti Petri (Bay of Cadiz) and Scauri (Island of Pantelleria) (Alonso Villalobos et al. 1994, Baldassari 2009a and 2009b). In spite of the evidence – revealed by these two sites – regarding the continuity of the exports of Lusitanian salting fish preparations during the 5th century, underwater archaeology has not yet been able to provide direct proof of its circulation after the fall of the Western Roman Empire. 

The shipwreck sites used to illustrate the different scenarios of the circulation of Lusitanian amphorae allow us to develop some hypotheses regarding navigation routes. Using as reference the work of Pascal Arnaud (2005) – Les routes de la navegation antique, Itinéraires en Mediterranée – a work that contains, in our opinion, all of the relevant information gathered in the last decades, added to by the analysis of the works of Antiquity geographers such as Strabo and Pliny, we can now present the major sailing routes departing from the Iberian Peninsula with courses set for the ports of Rome (Figure 10). 

Figure 10 – Ancient sailing routes.

CONCLUSION

The shipwreck sites selected and described in this paper depict the circulation of Lusitanian fish products throughout the main navigation routes along the Western Mediterranean. As we pointed out, the transportation models are highly diversified, being perfectly adjusted to the major tendencies in trade and to the economic transformations that, throughout the years, took place within the Roman Empire. Between the early part of the 1st century and mid-2nd century AD, Lusitanian amphorae mostly circulated alongside Hispanic food products from Baetica and Tarraconensis, namely olive oil (Dressel 20), wine (Dressel 2-4, Haltern 70 and Dressel 28), fish sauce (Dressel 7-11, Beltrán IIA and IIB, Dressel 14A and 17), as well as ingots of lead or copper. From mid-3rd century AD, it becomes quite frequent for Lusitanian amphorae to be found alongside with North African products, transported in Africana II amphorae, variants B, C and D, used for the transportation of various fish goods (Bonifay 2004). This is further supported by their discovery on the Cabrera III shipwreck where fish remains were still visible (Slim et al. 2007, 40). This reflects the economic changes that, during the Late Antiquity period (Rice 2011, 85), transformed the African provinces into the great suppliers of food products destined for Rome. Shipwrecks, such as Cabrera III, may be considered as the logical outcome of the institutionally established supply chain to the Empire’s capital, based mostly on olive oil. The Lusitanian salted fish preparations were therefore an additional cargo, stored in the vacant space on board of the ships, thus allowing for the establishment of a free trade. Nevertheless, as we demonstrated, a wide set of alternative scenarios may have to be considered, especially regarding the Late Antiquity period. 

Shipwrecks are only some of the pieces of the complex puzzle that is the distribution process of Lusitanian amphorae throughout the Mediterranean. Recreating a global scenario is a difficult task and will necessarily have to include the archaeological data from land contexts of the main maritime cities, coastal enclaves, ports and mooring places. In so far as this research is concerned, it has revealed the presence of Lusitanian amphorae in numerous archaeological contexts throughout the Western Mediterranean (Bombico et al. 2014 and Bombico, in press). 

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Salted Fish Industry in Roman Lusitania: Trade Memories between Oceanus and Mare Nostrum - Sónia Bombico
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Blog Terreiro do Paço

Postais icônicos profissões e personagens do séc. XIX

Postais icônicos profissões e personagens do séc. XIX

Recuperámos postais tradicionais sobre profissões e personagens do séc. XIX
Agradecimento especial a Joaquim Cortes, coleccionador, cnmaximafilia
Special edition – à venda no CAN THE CAN ou na nossa loja online

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Postais icónicos do Terreiro do Paço

Postais icónicos do Terreiro do Paço

Recuperámos postais antigos icónicos sobre a Praça do Comércio, Terreiro do Paço, Cais da Colunas e realizámos uma edição especial de recordação de Lisboa. 
Special edition – à venda no CAN THE CAN ou na nossa loja online

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The Atlantic Diet – Origin and features

The Atlantic Diet – Origin and features

Manuela Vaz Velho and Rita Pinheiro and Ana Sofia Rodrigues

Abstract
Despite globalization there still are food patterns which are clearly dierentiated from one region to another in Europe and elsewhere. In this study the Atlantic Diet is considered as the traditional diet in Portugal and Galicia, a region in northwest Spain.
This paper aims to contribute to a better understanding of the Atlantic Diet food pattern in order to fully exploit the potential of this Atlantic gastronomical heritage.
The background of the Atlantic Diet concept, the characterization of Atlantic Diet foods and a compilation of scientic ndings related to the consumption of these foods are covered.
A brief description of the Mediterranean Diet, the primitive pattern and the updated Mediterranean pyramid are also included in order to aid understanding of the globalization of this previously local health food pattern.
Final remarks and suggestions for further studies are made.
Keywords: Atlantic Diet; Food patterns

1 Introduction

The Atlantic Diet concept originated some years ago when the Instituto Politécnico de Viana do Castelo (IPVC), University of Santiago de Compostela, Spanish Nutrition Foundation (FEN) and Galician Association for the study of the Atlantic Diet (ASGAEDA) joined forces with the objective of placing the Atlantic Diet as a worldwide reference for a healthy diet. As a result of discussions between scientists from the Spanish and Portuguese Atlantic regions, the European Center for the Atlantic Diet (CEDA) was founded in 2003 in Portugal. Subsequently the\Atlantic Diet Foundation” was created in 2007 in Galicia, Spain by the University of Santiago de Compostela.

In 2006 these institutions and organizations committed to the Atlantic Diet signed the \Baione Declaration on the Atlantic Diet” with the aim of developing a strategy for the promotion and maintenance of the Atlantic Diet at dierent levels, and having the following objectives:
. The promotion of the Atlantic Diet as a source of health and pleasure;
. The promotion of research, development and innovation on the Atlantic Diet, with respect to health in the area of sheries, aquaculture, agriculture, livestock, viticulture and natural resources;
. The involvement of the food industry, tourism and catering sectors to develop and apply the main elements of the Atlantic Diet within principal and supplementary foods, through both traditional and innovative cooking preparations and supply for consumption at home and outside it;
. The involvement of the educational sector at various levels to educate consumers about the cultural heritage of the Atlantic Diet;
. Ensure that public and private institutions recognize the values of the Atlantic diet, lifestyle and the accompanying environmental commitments, and are committed to their protection and promotion as a functional diet;
. Assess the potential environmental impact in its broadest sense (urbanization, transportation, environmental pollution, etc.) of maintaining the values of the Atlantic Diet.
For the above purposes, two International congresses, one seminar and three international meetings, specically dedicated to the Atlantic Diet, were organized.
The 1st International Congress on the Atlantic Diet, organized by CEDA, took place in Viana do Castelo, Portugal from 17 to 19 July, 2003.
Two years later a seminar entitled: \Atlantic Diet, Benets for your Health and Well-Being” took place in Santiago de Compostela, Spain from 29 to 30 April, 2004. The 2nd International Congress on the Atlantic Diet, organized by University of Santiago de Compostela, took place in Baiona, Spain, from 16 to 18 November, 2006.
Three international meetings, organized by the Fundacion Española de la Nutricion (2003, 2005 and 2008) were also focused on the Atlantic Diet.
Furthermore, in many other scientic and technical events, not restricted to the Atlantic Diet, the subject of the Atlantic Diet was also incorporated, for example:
The XVII Congresso de Gastronomia do Minho and V Congresso Luso-Galaico, with a Session II \A Dieta Atlântica na Euro região Galiza-Norte de Portugal”, took place in Vila Nova de Cerveira, Portugal, 26-29 April 2007; The 1st International Congress of Gastronomy and Wines Portugal, with a session III \The gastronomy and wines in Europe – Atlantic Diet”, took place in Matosinhos, Portugal, 24-26 November 2011; and the Atlantic Stakeholder Platform Conference, with its Session A4 \Atlantic Tourism – Atlantic Diet: Why include food from the sea in your diet”, took place in Porto, Portugal, 20 January 2015.

2 Atlantic Diet Features 

Since 2000 there have been many attempts to establish the Atlantic Diet features. At the creation of the European Center for Atlantic Diet (CEDA), the Instituto Politecnico de Viana do Castelo ordered a study to compile general features of the Atlantic Diet. In this first study (Leslie, 2000) the author chose countries which were representative of three regions of Europe, with dierent types of climates, geographic environments and lifestyles: Atlantic, Mediterranean and Central European countries. The countries considered were as follows:

. Atlantic region: Portugal, Spain, France, Ireland, United Kingdom, Belgium, Netherlands, Denmark, Norway and Iceland. The results concerning Spain and France have to be taken with caution as they also belong to Mediterranean countries;
. Mediterranean countries: Italy and Greece;
. Central European countries: Germany, Czech Republic, Poland, Austria and  Switzerland.
The precise characterization of the Atlantic Diet was not the objective of this study but rather to provide an overview of the diferent dietary intake patterns found in the European Atlantic countries. This covered eating habits, the main ingredients used and the typical dishes found in
each country (Table 1), as well as a comparison between diets in Central, Mediterranean and the Atlantic regions of Europe which allowed the identification of some general features of the Atlantic Diet.
The strategic plan for the European Center for Atlantic Diet (CEDA) was developed by Sociedade Portuguesa de Inovação, S.A. (SPI, 2001). Based on the 1999 version of the nutrition database of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, a few features were compiled that were still valid in 2011 and are therefore presented in this chapter.
The consumption of seafood (including sh) is higher in the Atlantic countries than in the Central European countries. Countries close to the sea consume more sea products than landlocked countries because of the easy availability of fish.

For the two Mediterranean countries, their consumption of fish is more or less the same as in Denmark, Netherlands, Belgium, United Kingdom and France. The northern and southern Atlantic countries differentiate themselves from all the other countries by their very high consumption of fish, although Iceland has a sh consumption significantly higher than other Atlantic countries. The limited agricultural production in Iceland, due to its soil and climate characteristics (Johannesson, 2010) together with the easy availability of fish might justify this high consumption of fish products. After Iceland (annual per capita sh supply of 90 kg), comes the southern and northern countries of the Atlantic: Portugal, Norway, Spain, France and Denmark with 56.8, 53.4, 42.4 and 34.6 kg, respectively (FAOSTAT Food balances, 2011). The data refers to per capita sh supply and not per capita sh consumption as the former includes losses through distribution and food preparation.
It can be observed that the countries in the center of Europe have the largest diference in the consumption of meat and sh; they eat much more meat than fish. Their physical environment is more favorable to the breeding of livestock than to access to fish.
A second observation is that the Atlantic countries in the central region of the Atlantic Corridor (Spain, France, United Kingdom, Belgium, Netherlands and Denmark) have more or less the same meat/sh ratio than the countries representing the Mediterranean countries. The three extremities of Atlantic European countries (Portugal, Norway and Iceland) have a different ratio from the other countries. For Iceland, as mentioned before, sh is more important in the diet than meat. Concerning Portugal and Norway, fish is almost eaten in the same quantity as meat.
There is a large difference in the consumption of potatoes and vegetables between Mediterranean and Atlantic countries. In Atlantic countries, people eat in general more potatoes and fewer vegetables than in Mediterranean countries. This follows the assumption that potatoes are one of the characteristics of an Atlantic Diet. Comparing the Central region of Europe and the Atlantic region, the difference is not so marked.
Nevertheless, it can be noticed that southern Atlantic countries are larger consumers of vegetables than Central regions. There is a gradient`South North’ for the consumption of vegetables: countries that are located in the South region eat more vegetables than in the North. The natural conditions, due to the sunnier climate of the southern Atlantic countries, favor the cultivation of vegetables.
There are no major differences in the consumption of milk among the three regions: Atlantic, Mediterranean and Central region of Europe but Norway can be distinguished by its higher consumption of milk. This fact is not a surprise upon considering the nutritional characteristics of this product and the European Agricultural Policies.
Europe has an excess of milk production and its consumption has been promoted throughout the European Union. Types of milk, other than cow milk, can be more specific to some regions; however the consumption of other types of milk is very low when compared with cow milk.
The European Atlantic region includes Portugal, some regions of Spain, some regions of France, Ireland, United Kingdom, Belgium, Netherlands, Denmark, Norway and Iceland, which is not an EU country. However, geographical location is not enough to determine a common food pattern as diet is influenced by many other factors,  including income, culture, religion and lifestyle. In the last century, the globalization of diets, sometimes for health reasons, sometimes for its convenience, and other factors, such as world wars, resulted in dramatic changes to the consumption of traditional foods in European Atlantic regions. There is evidence of the impact of the First World War on food consumption and nutrition in Britain (Gazeley & Newell, 2013). In Portugal and Galicia, traditional foods, many of which have a Celtic influence (for example, broths with meat and cabbage) are still eaten every week at home and can be found in the majority of restaurants. Whereas the Irish colcannon and the Welsh cawl traditional dishes, with meat and cabbage, are only consumed on festive days or more recently in a few new traditional restaurants. Scientists from Galicia and Portugal, at the time of formation of CEDA in 2003, considered that the Atlantic Diet food pattern is still “alive” in those regions and the Atlantic Diet was defined as the traditional diet of Portugal and Galicia.
A relevant book entitled “La Dieta Atlantica, el pescado y las algas – Su importancia en el neurodesarrollo y la funcion cerebral” parenciteTojo2009 was edited by the University of Santiago de Compostela in 2009. The authors compiled anthropological and historical information about the nutritional characteristics of diets from prehistory to recent days, together with information about food patterns in the Northwest of Spain and in the Spanish Mediterranean border regions, which enabled comparisons to be made. They defended the role of the Atlantic Diet as a health counterpoint to the recent Western Diet.
The type of foods associated with the traditional Atlantic Diet of Galicia identified by Tojo and Leis (2009) are as follows:
High intake of seasonal foods, locally fresh and minimally processed; High intake of vegetables, fruits, potatoes, bread and cereals, chestnut, whole nuts, legumes and honey; Use of olive oil for seasoning and olive oil and pork lard to cook; High consumption of sh, mollusks and crustaceans; Moderate consumption of milk and cheese; Moderate consumption of meat (cow and pork); Moderate consumption of eggs; Moderate consumption of wine usually with meals; Consumption of sauces with a healthy fat prole; Moderate consumption of simple sugars, desserts based on cereals, dried fruits and eggs; High intake of mineral water, with a healthy mineral prole; Cooking methods mainly by boiling, stewing, roasting and grilling. Authors stated these foods will ensure an abundant intake of complex sugars and beer; an abundant intake of PUFAs (LCPUFAs omega-3 with a good ratio of omega6/omega3, oleic acid and linoleic CLA; adequate vitamin and mineral intake; and abundant intake of functional food components (such as antioxidants, sterols,  avonoids, carotenoids, lycopene and indols).
The Atlantic Diet pyramid built by Tojo and Leis (2009) (Figure 1) is placed in all refectories of the University of Santiago de Compostela. The types of food and cooking methods used for everyday student meals at the University of Santiago de Compostela are based on it (Tojo, 2008). No major differences were found in Portuguese and Galician food patterns in 2000 by Leslie (2000) but a feature of the Portuguese diet should be emphasized – the daily intake of vegetable soup with Brassica species and the presence of rice in most of the meals already mentioned in Table 1. It is important to mention that under the designation “Vegetables” of FAOSTAT food balances (2011), tomatoes and onions are discriminated but the remaining vegetables are placed together as an item named “Other vegetables” of which Portugal presents the higher supply of 113.9 kg per capita compared to the other Atlantic countries. However, it can be assumed that Brassica species (cabbage) constitute a significant proportion of this supply as it is the second most consumed vegetable after potatoes in Portugal (Gevers et al., 1998). The consumption of dierent vegetables in 13 European countries for 1998 is shown in Table 2.
It is curious, despite the international reknown of Spanish paella or Italian risotto, that Portugal has a higher rice supply per capita in Europe- 16.3 kg/year whereas Spain and Italy have 9.4 and 5.2 kg/per capita/year respectively.
The European average rice supply is only 4.9 kg per capita/year (FAOSTAT food balances, 2011). In Portugal, rice and potatoes are consumed daily within main meals. The most traditional food dish throughout Portugal is Cozido a Portuguesa, similar to Galician Cozido and containing various meats, boiled potatoes and cabbage, but is also accompanied with rice. Another very traditional dish is Feijoada a Portuguesa, a pork meat stew with beans, which is also accompanied with rice and furthermore, in the north of Portugal this dish also contains cabbage. Finally, the best known Portuguese dish that is present in all Portuguese houses on Christmas Eve, the Bacalhau Cozido com todos, contains boiled dry salted cod with potatoes and cabbage, and fresh garlic and olive oil to season it.

3 Atlantic Diet and Health

The term diet refers to a person’s pattern of eating and drinking. Diet is influenced by many factors, including income, culture, religion, geographic location, and lifestyle.
Most of the so-called western countries have dietary guidelines. One of the most reported is the USA Dietary Guidelines, first published in 1980, and reviewed, updated and released by U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) and the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) every five years. These Dietary Guidelines contain the latest, science-based nutritional and dietary guidance for the general public. They are the foundation for federal nutrition education and promotion programs, as well as the basis for the federal food assistance programs. The Scientific Report of the 2015 Dietary Guidelines Advisory Committee (Advisory Report) was submitted to the Secretaries of the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) and the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) in February 2015 and underwent a Public Consultation Period until May 8 http://www.health.gov/dietaryguidelines/2015-scientic-report/ accessed on 2 April 2015).
A balanced diet contains food from several food groups and supplies the body with the energy and essential nutrients it needs (United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) Center for Nutrition Policy and Promotion (http://fnic.nal.usda.gov/dietary-guidance), accessed on 31 March 2015).
The European Food Safety Authority (EFSA) provides up-to-date and comprehensive scientific advice to support EU policy makers in their decision making process in the field of nutrition for the setting of diet-related public health targets and the development of consumer information and educational programmes on healthy diets.
In March 2010, EFSA’s Panel on Dietetic Products, Nutrition and Allergies established dietary reference values for the intake of carbohydrates, dietary fibre, fats and water http://www.efsa.europa.eu/en/topics/topic/drv.htm accessed on 1 April 2015).
Epidemiological, experimental and clinical trial evidence have demonstrated over the last 50 years a relationship between diet, nutrients and blood lipid levels (Van Horn et al., 2008).
Nowadays, foods consumed worldwide include ice cream, candy, pastries, potato chips or other salted and fatty snacks (Haber, 1997). These fast food and other processed convenience foods, together with more meat and other animal products, fewer fresh fruits and vegetables, are considered to be responsible for burgeoning rates of heart disease, obesity, diabetes, and other chronic diseases.
One of the key concerns of nutritionists is to establish relationships between the type of diet consumed by the population and the existence of non-transmissible chronic diseases. Nutritional interventions that have been applied worldwide are multiple and involve different aspects that contribute to improved food and nutrition patterns worldwide (Rand, Windham, Wyse, & Young, 1987; Araya, 1997). Arising from a meeting of representatives of the Federation of European Nutrition Foundation no identication of bad or good food should be indicated to consumers in a regular balanced diet (La Place, 2004). A daily diet is not only food but also taste and pleasure.
Epidemiological studies point out that about 75% of human cancers are related to extrinsic factors, the most important smoking and diet (Fahey & Talalay, 1995). Prevention of cancer by naturally occurring substances in foods is an area of growing interest to the scientific community.
Several scientific studies have already demonstrated the health benefits of Atlantic Diet food components. In particular, fish consumption and other seafood, vegetables, low alcohol content beverages, and the Atlantic Diet’s preventive value in heart disease, metabolic and some cancers. Vitamin B, omega 3 fatty acids and iodine are three components of the Atlantic Diet which may bring health benefit to consumers residing in the Atlantic area.
The association between fish consumption and risk of cardiovascular disease (CVD) has been extensively studied. Epidemiological and clinical trial evidence suggests that omega-3 polyunsaturated fatty acids (PUFAs) might have a significant role in the prevention of coronary heart disease. Dietary sources of omega-3 PUFA include fish oils rich in eicosapentaenoic acid and docosahexaenoic acid along with plants rich in alpha-linolenic acid. Evidence suggests that increased consumption of n-3 FAs from fish or fish oil supplements, but not of alpha-linolenic acid, reduces the rates of all-cause mortality, cardiac and sudden death, and possibly stroke (Wang et al., 2006).
Randomized clinical trials (RCTs) with fish oils (eicosapentaenoic acid and docosahexaenoic acid) and alpha-linolenic acid have demonstrated reductions in risk that compare favorably with those seen in landmark secondary prevention trials with lipid-lowering drugs. The results of prospective cohort studies indicate that consuming fish or fish oil containing the n-3 fatty acids eicosapentaenoic acid (EPA) and docosahexaenoic acid (DHA) is associated with decreased cardiovascular death, whereas consumption of the vegetable oil-derived n-3 fatty acid a-linolenic acid is not as efective. RCTs in the context of secondary prevention also indicate that the consumption of EPA plus DHA is protective at doses <1 g/d. The therapeutic effect appears to be due to suppression of fatal arrhythmias rather than stabilization of atherosclerotic plaques. At doses >3 g/d, EPA plus DHA can improve cardiovascular disease risk factors, including decreasing plasma triacylglycerol’s, blood pressure, platelet aggregation, and inflammation, while improving vascular reactivity.
Mainly on the basis of the results of RCTs, the American Heart Association recommends that everyone eat oily fish twice per week and that those with coronary heart disease eat 1g/d of EPA plus DHA from oily fish or supplements (Breslow, 2006).
There is little doubt that omega-3 long-chain polyunsaturated fatty acids (n-3 LCPUFAs) in fish are the key nutrients responsible for the benefits and are important for CVD prevention. Although fish is valued as a source of these fatty acids, it also provides other nutrients that may have cardioprotective effects. It is likely that the beneficial effects of fish consumption on the risk of CVD are the synergistic effects among nutrients in fish, and the integrative effects of fish consumption may effects the interactions of nutrients and contaminants in fish (He, 2009). Shell fish species such as shrimps are rich in omega-3s and low in mercury (Smith & Guentzel, 2010).
Regular fish consumption before the age of 1 appears to be associated with a reduced risk of allergic disease and sensitization to food and inhalant allergens during the first 4 years of life (Kull, Bergstrom, Lilja, Pershagen, & Wickman, 2006).
A study using unsaturated fat-enriched diets with virgin olive, sun-flower and sh oil enhances hepatic antioxidant defense system; with the virgin olive and fish oil diet providing the best results (Aguilera, Mesa, Ramirez-Tortosa, Quiles, & Gil, 2003).
A nationwide case-control study in Norway with 545 cases of childhood-onset type 1 diabetes and 1668 population control subjects concluded that the use of cod liver oil during the first year of life is associated with lower risk of childhood-onset type 1 diabetes (Stene, Joner, & Norwegian Childhood Diabet Study G., 2003).
Data compiled on the relationship between diet and incidence of certain diseases concluded that a diet rich in fruit and vegetables is strongly associated with a lower risk of contracting degenerative diseases, including cardiovascular disease, brain dysfunction and cataracts, and proliferative diseases such as neoplasms (cancer) (Negri, La Vecchia, Franceschi, D’ Avanzo, & Parazzini, 1991; Steinmetz & Potter, 1991; Block, Patterson, & Subar, 1992; Verhoeven, Godbohm, van Poppel, Verhagen, & van den Brandt, 1996; Gold, T.H., & Ames, 1997; Ames & Gold, 1998).
The health benefits of onion intake, a major food component of the Atlantic Diet, were reported by several authors (Kumari, Mathew, & Augusti, 1995; Goldman, Kopelberg, Debaene, & Schwartz, 1996; Teyssier et al., 2001; Grifths, Trueman, Crowther, Thomas, & Smith, 2002). The annual consumption of onions in Portugal was estimated at 13.8 kg per capita in 2011 (FAOSTAT food balances, 2011) and it is the third most consumed vegetable after potatoes and Brassica species.
Regional varieties of onion from the Northwest of Portugal were studied. Results indicate that the red variety has higher nutritional value (minerals and protein) and higher potential health benefits related to the presence of antioxidant compounds (Rodrigues et al., 2003).
A broad array of healthy properties have been attributed to Brassica species in recent years such as anticarcinogenic, protective actions against cardiovascular diseases and ageing processes, prenatal pathologies and cataracts. These benefits have been related to their high content in health-promoting phytochemicals namely glucosinolates (and their hydrolysis products, isothiocianates), phenolic compounds (hydroxycinnamic acids and  avonoids), carotenoids, vitamins (ascorbic acid (AA), tocopherol, and folic acid) and minerals (Dominguez-Perles, Mena, Garcia-Viguera, & Moreno, 2014).
The low incidence of coronary heart disease associated with moderate consumption of red wine and other alcoholic drinks have been reported (Renaud & Delorgeril, 1992). In a review study, Bertelli (2007) reported that white wine is given less importance than red wine as it contains lower quantities of polyphenols. However, the same study underlined several other epidemiological surveys showing that wine “colour” was not found to have different e effects with respect to coronary artery diseases, modulation of the release of plasma interleukin-6 and platelet function.
Furthermore, both white and red wine improved the LDL/HDL cholesterol ratio and enhanced the LDL clearance rate from blood. Wine, red or white, is drunk at meals in the Atlantic Diet region.
Based on a case control study (n=820) of patients hospitalized with acute myocardial infarction (AMI), adherence to the Southern European Atlantic Diet (SEAD) was associated with lower odds of nonfatal AMI (Oliveira, Lopes, & Rodriguez-Artalejo, 2010). The authors concluded that some but not all food components of the SEAD may contribute to the very low coronary mortality in northern Portugal and Galicia. As far as we know this was the first epidemiological study examining the association between adherence to the Atlantic Diet and the occurrence of non-fatal acute myocardial infarction in Portugal. A cross-sectional study from the same authors and Spanish authors (Guallar-Castillon, Oliveira, Lopes, Lopez-Garcia, & Rodriguez-Artalejo, 2013) was conducted in 2008-2010 among 10,231 individuals representative of the population aged 18 years and older in Spain. Diet was assessed with a validated computerized diet history. SEAD adherence was measured with an index including 9 food components (fresh fish, cod, red meat and pork products, dairy products, legumes and vegetables, vegetable soup, potatoes, whole-grain bread, and wine), which ranged from 0 (lowest adherence) to 9 (highest adherence). This study identified possible mediators of the effect of SEAD on myocardial infarction, because SEAD was found to be associated with a lower concentration of markers of in ammation and with reduced triglycerides, insulin, insulin resistance and systolic blood pressure. Several other studies have pointed out the benefits of food components typical of the Atlantic Diet but not grouped as a meal nor aggregated under the concept of an Atlantic Diet Food pattern.
There is a continuous move from dietary traditions which are local, low in technological input and based on empiricism to diets that are global, high in technological input and science based.
Over the last century societies have the ability to improve their diet based on a better scientific understanding of the health benefits of such diets but innovations are often not achieved due to commercial considerations. This will require that all sectors of the food industry to work towards healthy and economically affordable diets.
In addition, there is a continuing demand by consumers to ascertain that traditional foods are not only healthy but also convenient and easy to prepare (Heinrich & Prieto, 2008).
On current evidence the concept of the `Atlantic Diet’ appears to be as well founded as the concept of the `Mediterranean Diet’, but the major challenge is to dene whether there is a traditional Atlantic Diet as healthy as the Mediterranean Diet when consumed as part of a healthy lifestyle (Lindsay, 2003). This will require urgent action given the rapid changes that are occurring in European dietary habits (Lindsay, 2003). There is a continuous move from dietary traditions which are local, low in technological input and based on empiricism to diets that are global, high in technological input and science based.
Over the last century societies have the ability to improve their diet based on a better scientific understanding of the health benefits of such diets but innovations are often not achieved due to commercial considerations. This will require that all sectors of the food industry to work towards healthy and economically affordable diets.
In addition, there is a continuing demand by consumers to ascertain that traditional foods are not only healthy but also convenient and easy to prepare (Heinrich & Prieto, 2008).
On current evidence the concept of the `Atlantic Diet’ appears to be as well founded as the concept of the `Mediterranean Diet’, but the major challenge is to define whether there is a traditional Atlantic Diet as healthy as the Mediterranean Diet when consumed as part of a healthy lifestyle (Lindsay, 2003). This will require urgent action given the rapid changes that are occurring in European dietary habits (Lindsay, 2003).

5 Concluding remarks and further suggestions

The objective of this paper was not to compare the Atlantic Diet with the Mediterranean Diet. More than 50 years of studies separate both concepts. As mentioned previously a wide variety of fish and shell fish is now placed in the updated Mediterranean Diet Pyramid with advice to eat fish and shell fish at least twice a week. There are no doubts that the residents of the Atlantic Diet region have traditionally a higher intake of fish and shell fish than the Mediterranean countries.
Enjoy meals with others, recently placed in the base of the Mediterranean Diet Pyramid, is a common practice in Portugal and Galicia, where mealtimes are regarded as leisurely affairs to share with family and friends.
Diversity is also a key word. It is not only the type of food but also the frequency of their intake which makes a food component healthy or unhealthy.
As mentioned before, no identification of bad or good food should be indicated to consumers in a regular balanced diet. A daily diet is not only food but also taste and pleasure. A combined balance of those elements, food and taste, is characteristic of the Atlantic Diet. Also, it is well known that food components interact, thus it is important to analyze a whole meal rather than the separate food components.
The Atlantic Diet is considered strategic by the Food-cluster Portugal Foods which has as major objectives: the surveillance and characterization of Atlantic Diet by identification, systematization and validation of products and recipes under the concept – Atlantic Diet – a Portuguese way of being”. The continuing move from dietary traditions traditions which are local to diets that are global, as the Mediterranean Diet now is, requires high technological input and a science base, therefore companies and public and private R & D institutions must join together in efforts to validate and make global another regional healthy diet the Southern European Atlantic Diet or Atlantic Diet.
The previously reported epidemiological studies, showing higher adherence to the Atlantic Diet (Southern European Atlantic Diet) and its inverse association with the occurrence of non-fatal AMI and its association with a lower concentration of coronary disease markers, are a beginning for consolidation of the healthfulness of the Atlantic Diet pattern but more epidemiological and experimental nutrition research is needed to corroborate these findings.

The Atlantic Diet – Origin and features
Manuela Vaz Velho a*, Rita Pinheiro a*, and Ana Sofia Rodrigues b*
a* Escola Superior de Tecnologia e Gestão, Instituto Politecnico de Viana do Castelo, Av. Atlântico, 4900-348 Viana do Castelo, Portugal
b* Escola Superior Agrária, Instituto Politecnico de Viana do Castelo, Refoios, 4990-706 Ponte de Lima, Portugal
*Corresponding author mvazvelho@estg.ipvc.pt
Tel: +351-258819700  Fax: +351-258827636  Received: 6 April 2015;  Published online: 18 April 2016

Categorias
Garum Publicações e estudos

In Search of Garum

In Search of Garum

The “Colatura d’alici” from the Amalfitan Coast

Atti del 4o Convegno Nazionale di Etnoarcheologia, Roma, 17-19 maggio 2006
Proceedings of the 4th Italian Congress of Ethnoarchaeology, Rome, 17-19 May, 2006
Edited by
Francesca Lugli
Alessandra Assunta Stoppiello
Stefano Biagetti
BAR International Series 2235
2011

Published by Archaeopress
Publishers of British Archaeological Reports
Gordon House 276 Banbury Road Oxford OX2 7ED England
bar@archaeopress.com
www.archaeopress.com

In Search of Garum. The “Colatura d’alici” from the Amalfitan Coast

(Campania, Italy): an Heir of the Ancient Mediterranean Fermented Fish Sauces.
Alfredo Carannante, Claudio Giardino, Umberto Savarese

Em Cetara, uma pequena aldeia da Campânia, na costa Amalfitana (Fig. 1), a tradição alimentar de produção de um molho obtido a partir da fermentação de anchovas em conserva (Engraulis encrasicolus) ainda sobrevive. Os molhos de peixe fermentado tiveram uma grande importância na gastronomia e na economia dos antigos povos mediterrânicos.

O objetivo deste trabalho é avaliar se o molho moderno da Campânia pode ser comparado aos produtos antigos e se é derivado dos mesmos. Para este fim, foram analisadas as características comuns dos vários molhos de peixe e as técnicas antigas e modernas de produção foram descritas e comparadas;

No final, reconta-se de forma suncinta a história dos molhos antigos. Foram recolhidas informações sobre molhos de peixe, particulatmente na Campânia, nos locais onde esta tradição antiga é ainda presente.

Fig. 1. Map of the mentioned sites.

O garum e os molhos de peixe fermentado

A designação genérica GARUM é normalmente utilizada para definir uma série de produtos de composição e consistências diversas, como molhos e pastas obtidas através da fermentação em salmoura, através das enzimas, de parte de peixes ou da sua totalidade.

Altamente proteico, o GARUM, aumenta a intensidade do sabor e era muito apreciado no passado. O GARUM podia ser feito apartir de diversos tipos de peixe, anchovas, cavala, atum, moreias e outros tipos de pescado, que determinavam a sua qualidade e o seu preço.

Apicius, o famoso gastrônomo romano, tem as suas receitas, compiladas no livro De Re Coquinaria, temperadas com garum, ao qual ele apelida de liquamen.

O facto do garum ter sido tão apreciado nos tempos antigos deveu-se provavelmente à alta concentração de glutamato monossódico, o sal sódico do ácido glutâmico, um dos aminoácidos não essenciais mais abundantes que ocorrem na natureza, que é encontrado naturalmente em alimentos como tomate e cogumelos.

O glutamato monossódico é utilizado em alimentos com o objetivo de proporcionar o gosto umami, também denominado de quinto gosto básico. (salgado, doce, ácido, amargo, umami)

O glutamato monossódico melhora o sabor dos vegetais e alimentos de origem animal que o contenham em diferentes concentrações. Alguns alimentos onde esse efeito é particularmente melhorado são, por exemplo, queijo, salame, cogumelos e tomates secos.

A comparação com os principais potenciadores de sabor modernos, mostra como é a concentração de glutamato monossódico, particularmente rico em molhos produzidos pela fermentação em salmoura de organismos marinhos, como pasta de anchova, amplamente usado nos países do Mediterrâneo, molho de ostras, muito apreciado na gastronomia chinesa, e diferentes molhos, geralmente preparados a partir de anchovas, sardinhas etc., usados na culinária asiática do sudeste (Nuocnam no Vietnã, Nam-plam na Tailândia)

mg/100g
Anchovy paste 630
Stock cube 498
Oyster sauce 900
Soja sauce 782
Nam plam (fish sauce) 950
Free glutamate in seasonings

Além do glutamato monossódico, o garum continha peptídeos semelhantes aos neuropeptídeos, ácidos graxos polinsaturados (complexo ômega-3), um protetor anti oxidante de membranas celulares) e vitaminas A e E.

Garum é frequentemente imaginado como um molho produzido por meio de putrefação do peixe, portanto inaceitável para um palato moderno.

Para compreender a importância e o sucesso das conservas de peixe nas dietas antigas e modernas e para dissipar preconceitos sobre o seu gosto, devemos mencionar os complexos processos bioquímicos e enzimáticos que os produzem.

Após a morte, o peixe, como todos os outros animais, passa por uma série processos de decadência cujo primeiro passo é a autólise: a degeneração das células e órgãos através de substâncias químicas, processos desencadeados por enzimas intracelulares. A velocidade do processo autolítico aumenta com o aumento da temperatura ambiente, mas podem ser interrompidos se as texturas forem rapidamente congeladas ou desidratadas.

Em consequência da degeneração autolítica dos órgãos do trato gastrointestinal, a flora bacteriana espalha-se pelo resto do cadáver, iniciando um processo chamado putrefação, a segunda fase da decomposição.

A atividade bacteriana produz inicialmente gases como dióxido de enxofre, dióxido de carbono, amônia, metano etc .e continua com a destruição das proteínas musculares e a produção de complexos tóxicos de aminas, como a cadaverina e putrescina.

A verdadeira salga, aquela usada para produzir peixe salgado e carne, produz uma desidratação dos tecidos que bloqueiam a autólise, mas precisa de uma grande quantidade de cloreto de sódio (NaCl). Um ambiente com menos, ainda que alto teor de salinidade – como picles a 10-20% de NaCl – não impede o avanço dos processos autolíticos, mas é o suficiente para impedir o início da putrefação parando o desenvolvimento bacteriano.

Depois de um tempo, o resultado da decomposição em salmoura produz a formação de um liquido perfeitamente comestível, muitas vezes de cor âmbar, muito salgado e cheio de proteínas, iodo e flúor, istadina e vitaminas A e D (lat. garum, liquamen). Obtem-se uma substância pastosa muito salgada (lat. allec) com excelente valor nutricional.

A “colatura d’alici” de Cetara: métodos de produção

Hoje, na vila de Cetara, na costa de Amalfitan, é produzido um molho de peixe que apresenta fortes semelhanças com o  antigo garum: a “colatura d’alici”, cujo nome significa “filtragem de anchovas”.

A colatura é um líquido de cor âmbar obtido de o processo de maceração das anchovas em sal, seguindo um procedimento antigo transmitido de pai para filho pelos pescadores da vila.

O produto primário inicial são as anchovas (Engraulis encrasicolus) pescada com a chamado técnica “cianciòlo” no Golfo de Salerno na primavera, do final de março ao início de julho.

As anchovas, recém-pescadas, são decapitadas e evisceradas (“Scapezzate”) à mão; são então colocadas num recipiente e revestidas (“inzuscate”) com muito sal marinho. Depois de ser mantido de 12 a 24 horas nesta salga chamada “Increscatura” , com o objetivo de remover o sangue.

As anchovas são depois recolhido e colocado num recipiente, dispostas de acordo com a técnica “rabo e cabeça”, em camadas alternadas de sal e peixe. Uma vez terminadas as camadas, o recipiente é coberto com um disco de madeira (o chamado “tompagno”), no qual são colocados pesos, geralmente rochas do mar. Nas primeiras 48 horas, é exercida uma pressão mais forte, aliviando-se depois o peso diminuindo o número e a dimensão das rochas.

Devido à prensagem, o líquido, começa a chegar à superfície, à medida que o “amadurecimento” das anchovas continua. Neste processo tradicional o líquido é eliminado, considerando que este processo é a base da produção da colatura.

O líquido é depois filtrado usando panos de linho especiais, os chamados “cappucci” ou “lambicchi” . O resultado é um destilado límpido de cor âmbar, que pode ser filtrado por várias vezes. No total, o processo dura 2-3 meses. Em algumas famílias, o resultado da filtragem é tradicionalmente mantida em garrafas contendo orégãos.

Segundo alguns estudiosos das tradições locais, a maceração ocorreu originalmente numa espécie de recipiente chamado “terzigno”, obtido reutilizando o terço de um barril.

Além do que está no terzigni, outro tipo de maceração ocorre num vaso de vidrado, que foi e ainda é amplamente utilizado na produção doméstica em pequena escala. Neste caso, o processo segue as mesmas fases, mas a quantidade produzida é bem mais pequena.

Presentemente, embora a produção doméstica em vasos ainda exista, os “terzigni” são geralmente substituídos por recipientes de plástico para alimentos, de acordo com os regulamentos da CE.

Fig. 2. The liquid raw sauce starts coming up to the surface.

Fig. 4. The filtered product is an amber-coloured limpid liquid quite different from the raw soaked sauce.

Fig. 3. The filtering of the “colatura” trough the “lambicco”.

A origem do garum: a era pré-romana

Originalmente realizado com espécies e partes de peixe não bem identificadas, cujo nome grego era garos (de onde veio o nome do molho garon, em grego) , o garum romano foi produzido a partir de diferentes espécies de peixes. Isidore afirma: “Ex infinito genere pisciorum”.

Os géneros mais apreciados foram obtidos de anchova, sardinha etc: o melhor garum, nigrum foi produzido a partir de cavala (Scomber scombrus),  muria foi produzido a partir de atum (Thunnus thynnus), mas também anchovas (Engraulis encrasicolus) que estavam na base de um valioso tipo de garum.

De acordo com alguns autores, o garos grego é identificável com anchovas. Plínio afirma que o garum mais antigo era produzido a partir de um “peixinho pequeno e insignificante” que os gregos chamavam de “aphye” (afiado), que corresponde ao biqueirão.

No entanto, muitas outras espécies, entre as quais moreias, enguias, tainhas, eram usadas para produzir garum, às vezes realizado através da fermentação de diferentes espécies juntas.

Outras vezes, o garum era produzido apenas com entranhas de peixe, como as do atum, misturando algumas entranhas com sangue e a fáscia abdominal gorda, o chamado “Buzzonaglia”. A origem deste garum baseava-se na reciclagem de rejeitos de peixe, como entranhas, partes de sangue e gordura, e peixes menores inteiros, mais difíceis de conservar.

O aparecimento da salmoura de peixe no Mediterrâneo Oriental, anterior à sua propagação no mundo romano, está, portanto, relacionado com a necessidade de manter grandes quantidades de peixes perecíveis para abastecimento durante longas viagens ou para exportação.

Os gregos tinham duas maneiras de preservar os peixes: os tarichos (lat. salsamentum): a desidratação de peixes sem cabeça, eviscerados, peixes desfeitos, por meio de salga e / ou a secagem ao sol ,e o garon (lat. garum): fermentação de peixes em salmoura que, comparados com a salga, permitiam uma menor utilização de sal.

As fábricas mais antigas de garon localizavam-se em Corinto e na ilha de Delos, na Grécia, embora este molho se espalhe mais tarde sobretudo em Cartago e em Roma.

É ainda mais difícil datar a introdução das técnicas de salga de peixe no Mare Nostrum, devido à falta de vestígios arqueológicos no Mediterrâneo Oriental.

O garum pode ter sido introduzido pelos fenícios já nos séculos IX-VIII a.C., talvez importados diretamente do Oriente, ou a partir dos gregos, que poderiam conhecê-lo desde o século VII a.C. , durante suas viagens de abastecimento ao longo da costa do Mar Negro, região muito rica em peixe.

No mundo grego, a mais antiga evidência arqueológica remonta a meados do século V a.C. Pesquisas realizadas na cidade de Corinto encontraram o que deveria ter sido o armazém de produtos alimentares de um comerciante abastado, mais tarde reconvertido para armazenamento de vinho e peixe, apelidado pelos arqueólogos de  “Casa das ânforas púnicas” por causa da grande presença de ânforas fenícias aí encontradas.

Foram encontrados pedaços de peixe, sobretudo pargos (Pagrus pagrus) e atum – cortados em pedaços de cerca de 6 x 4,5 cm, misturado com fragmentos de ânforas; não foi possível, no entanto, determinar se o peixe foi colocado em salmoura ou salgados e se o processo tivesse sido ali realizado.

Foram descobertas em Cádiz, a antiga Gades, fábricas púnicas para o fabrico de peixe referentes ao mesmo período. O fabrico de peixe floresceu na cidade espanhola entre 430 e 325 a.C., para desaparecer após 200 a.C. Esse declínio deveu-se provavelmente às consequências que a segunda guerra púnica tiveram na economia cartaginense.

A presença de centros cujos nomes estiveram ligados à indústria do peixe são significativos: Cetaria, hoje Getares, e Tarichea, hoje Tarifa).

Fig. 5. The “terzigno”: the traditional container for the“colatura” production. A stone is put on the top to press the soaking anchovies.

Fig. 6. The typical varnish pot used for domestic production of the “colatura”

Fig. 7. Small quantities of “colatura” are produced in clay
vessels.

O garum no mundo romano

O mundo romano foi com certeza influenciado pelos dois polos produtivos, gregos e púnicos, e aprendeu tanto as suas técnicas de fabricação como a tipologia de estruturas onde o fabrico ocorria. A procura deste tempero, que se tornou muito apreciado, aumentou entre os Romanos e isso favoreceu o nascimento da produção em escala industrial em diversas áreas do Mediterrâneo, Mar Negro e ao longo das costas ibéricas no Oceano Atlântico e no norte da África.

Esses centros foram estritamente associados às áreas de captura de atum e com a necessidade de preservar uma enorme quantidade de peixe; não é por acaso que, na área do Estreito de Gibraltar, muitos centros, que certamente exploraram a migração do atum, o representavam nas suas moedas.

As estruturas produtivas

O fabrico acontecia geralmente  no próprio local de pesca, em tanques especiais de fermentação revestidos com opus signinum (chamado taricheai em grego ou cetariae em latim).

Eram geralmente quadrados ou retangulares, com bordas arredondadas, o que garantia uma estrutura mais forte e fazia com que circulação da água e limpeza fosse mais fácil; variaram em tamanho de acordo com o uso: os maiores foram utilizados para a salga de peixe, e os menores para produzir garum.

De acordo com a morfologia da costa, os tanque eram construídos na praia, em opus caementicium coberto de louça de barro ou nas colinas em frente à costa, escavadas na rocha; também poderiam ser construídos na cidade, em edifícios especiais destinados a esse tipo de produção.

NOTA: podemos visitar as diferentes tipologias de locais de fabrico em Setúbal, na cidade, na praia do Creiro e em Tróia.

Em regra geral, estas estruturas produziam peixe salgado, garum e allec: de facto, os últimos constituíam produtos secundários da indústria de salga.

Até há algum tempo atrás, antes do relançamento turístico do “Colatura”, o que também aconteceu em Cetara, o interesse primário da indústria era a produção de anchovas, para serem comercializadas no exterior. Já a filtragem foi um subproduto da salga e o seu uso era estritamente local.

Além das fábricas para a fabrico de peixe em salga, existiam tanques para a criação de peixes, que davam uma constante reserva de pescado durante todo o ano, mesmo quando o clima era adverso e se tornava perigoso pescar por barco.

Os tanques de peixes marítimos floresceram desde o final do período republicano (meados do século I a.C.) e desenvolvidos imensamente durante o Império (até o século II d.C.).

Inicialmente espalhado na Campânia e depois em Lácio e na Etrúria, provavelmente funcionaram até o século IV d.C., quando o ataques dos bárbaros tornaram as costas inseguras forçando a abandonar ou a fortalecer as estrutura produtivas na costa.

Técnicas de produção do garum

O fabrico do garum durava dois ou três meses sob o calor do sol, mas podia ser acelerado através de fornos artificiais.

O sal marinho era essencial para o funcionamento das fábricas de produção de garum e era necessária a mesma quantidade de sal e de peixe. Por esse motivo, as fábricas eram geralmente construído perto de salinas.

No século I d.C. , em Columella, (Lúcio Júnio Moderato – escritor romano, reconhecido pelos seus tratados sobre agronomia) no livro De Re Rustica, após descrever a técnica de conservação de carne de porco através do sal, afirma que era semelhante à utilizada para peixe:

“… A carne é então cortada em pedaços de uma libra cada; depois é necessário um pote ou um barril, e é colocada uma camada de sal, espalhada no fundo: os pedaços de carne são depois postos de modo a ficarem muito próximos uns aos outros e é colocado sal em cima de cada camada. Quando se atinge o topo do recipiente, a última parte é totalmente preenchida com sal e o mesmo é tapado e coberto com pesos. Pode-se utilizar esta carne em qualquer altura; é mantida em picles como tal peixe com sal ”.

Neste texto, Columella utiliza a palavra “seria“, que pode ser traduzida como “vaso” ou “barril”; o significado “barril” tem analogia com o uso do “terzigni” na produção da “Colatura“.

Qualidade e variedade do garum no mundo romano

No século I d.C, o garum sociorum, produzido em Espanha a partir da maceração de cavala, era considerado o melhor garum. O seu custo era comparável apenas ao dos melhores perfumes (com mil sestércios, compram-se dois congi, o equivalente a cerca de seis litros)

Marcus Valerius Martialis (Século I d.C.) elogia o luxo do garum produzido desde que o primeiro sangue jorrou da cavala recém cortada, considerado um particularmente luxuoso e apreciado presente.

Uma passagem no livro Satyricon, de Petrónio, escritor romano, mestre na prosa da literatura latina, satirista notável, no capítulo “O Banquete de Trimálquio”, descreve a apresentação de um dos cursos mais célebres no jantar de Trimálquio, uma das personagens do livro, conhecido pela pompa e ostentação dos seus banquetes, nos quais serve pratos exóticos e extravagantes.

Trimálquio disse: “Vamos comer! Este é o melhor dos banquetes”. Quatro escravos […] tiraram a tampa da bandeja colocada na mesa […]. Nos cantos da bandeja, quatro estátuas de Marsias estavam a derramar garum piperatum de pequenas bolsas de couro. ”

Esta passagem mostra como o garum não era apenas um tempero sempre presente na gastronomia da época (e obviamente líquido), mas que era também um símbolo de status exibido durante os banquetes mais luxuosos.

O Edictum de pretiis, (Édito máximo) de Diocleciano (301 d.C.), foi um decreto promulgado a fim de combater o aumento da inflação no Império, estabeleceu um tecto máximo para os custos do garum e separou o liquamen primum, cujo preço chegava a atingir dezesseis denários por sextário (cerca de 3072 sestércios por ânfora), do liquamen secundário, de segunda opção, que não poderia exceder doze denários.

A qualidade do garum derivada não apenas das espécies de pescado e das partes utilizadas, mas também do processo de filtragem.

No final da maceração, o garum era filtrado através de cestas e era obtidas diferentes qualidades:

O flos gari límpido (“flor” do garum) obtido a partir do primeiro líquido filtrado e liquamen gari, líquido menos valioso, por vezes com elementos sólidos, obtido a partir da filtragem dos depósitos mais rudes.

Linquamen, mesmo que originalmente diferente do garum, foi usado genericamente para definir o molho de peixe desde o século III d.C.

Além destas duas qualidades, ainda outra deve ser adicionada: a “flos flos gari”, “nata”, cuja origem e espécies usadas, geralmente cavala ou atum, sempre foram especificados.

A pasta recolhida nos filtros, geralmente contendo espinhas e restos de peixe, foi chamada allec (com as variações de hallec, hallex, allex), palavra que originalmente significava “putrefação” ou “resíduos” e representava o pior produto, frequentemente dado a os escravos.

O allec, no entanto, também poderia derivar da produção das melhores qualidades de garum; Neste caso, o produto resultante da filtragem após a maceração das entranhas, sangue ou pedaços de cavala ou atum, foi considerado valioso e servido temperado com sal e pimenta, vinho e cenoura, para estimular o apetite antes das refeições.

Existiam variações luxuosas de allec, produzidas a partir de ostras, ovas de ouriço-do-mar, anêmonas-do-mar e fígado de tainha.

O melhor garum era obtido sem adicionar outros ingredientes, mas havia várias variedades obtidas com a adição de vinagre (oxygarum), óleo (oleogarum), vinho (oenogarum), água (hydrogarum) e mel (melligarum / mellogarum).

No seu famoso tratado sobre cozinha, Apício, fornece uma receita de oenogarum para temperar tubérculos, composto por especiarias, liquamen, mel, um pouco de óleo, e outra receita de oxygarum usada como molho digestivo, composto por uma mistura de especiarias amassadas com mel e diluída com liquamen e vinagre.

Foram frequentemente adicionadas especiarias aromáticas (potherbs) ao peixe e ao sal.

O Garum e liquamen foram produzidos de forma caseira e industrial.

A produção em massa em tanques, pelo menos na era imperial, é certificado paralelamente ao potes. Gargilius Martialis (Século III dC) no De Medicina et de Virtutae Herbarum fornece uma descrição:

“Deve-se usar peixes, como salmão, enguias, sardinhas e anchovas; A estes peixes deve -se adicionar sal e potherbs como endro, hortelã, coentro, levístico, e tomilho selvagem. Devem-se dispor as ervas numa primeira camada no fundo de uma panela. A seguir coloca-se uma camada de peixe inteiro, se for pequeno, caso contrário, se for peixe maior, cortado em pedaços. Cobre-se com uma camada de sal de aproximadamente dois dedos e a repetição destas três camadas deve ser feira até que o pote esteja cheio.

O pote deve ser fechado e assim ficar por sete dias. Depois é necessário mexer tudo e descansar outros vinte dias. Em seguida, deve ser coado o líquido,  filtrando-o cuidadosamente usando um pano. ”

Esta receita corresponde perfeitamente à utilizada ainda hoje para a produção da

Colatura” num  vertente familiar em Cetara, onde são utilizados vasos cilíndricos especiais para esse objetivo. Ollae cilíndricas de cerâmica comum, uma espécie de potes, muito semelhantes às modernas usados em Cetara, foram encontrados ligadas à produção de garum no oeste Mediterrâneo . Muitos desses recipientes vêm de Cotta (Marrocos); o diâmetro varia entre 22 e 24cm e são datados entre os séculos I B.C. e III A.D.

O seu uso está correlacionado com a produção do garum, talvez para facilitar a concentração do molho através do calor; de facto, os sistemas de transformação através do calor foram descoberto em Cotta.

O “Colatura d’alici”: um valioso garum

A partir das informações apresentadas até agora, é evidente como os processos na base da produção deste molho são semelhantes aos usados ​​hoje para a “Colatura di alici” em Cetara, Itália.

A matéria-prima – as anchovas – é semelhante; segundo Plínio as anchovas estão desde o início presentes na produção de garum; os métodos de produção através da fermentação do peixe em conserva; os recipientes utilizados na produção em escala familiar são semelhantes, assim como alguns dos produtos obtidos.

O garum piperatum que jorra das estauetas Marsii  com “garrafas de couro” na bandeja de Trimálquio é o melhor testemunho escrito de que a melhor qualidade do garum era perfeitamente líquida, como a “Colatura”.

Outro paralelismo importante entre o molho antigo e o produto moderno da região da Campânia pode ser encontrado em Plínio, que diz que o garum mais valioso é

“Aquele que assume a cor do vinho envelhecido ou do mel”: esta é a descrição perfeita da cor âmbar da “Colatura”. Portanto, o “Colatura di alici” de Cetara pode ser definido como um garum muito refinado e em particularmente como um “flos gari”.

No entanto, molhos muito semelhantes aos antigos garum podem ser encontrados no Extremo Oriente, mesmo que não haja  conexão histórica com o antigo molho mediterrânico e que induz a verificar se o produto Cetara continua uma tradição romana ou é uma invenção moderna.

Portanto, será possível reconhecer uma filiação direta entre o “Colatura” e o garum?

Para responder a esta pergunta é necessário examinar a história do garum na Campânia e verificar a continuidade da produção na região.

O garum em Pompéia

Diversas fontes confirmam a existência, nos tempos antigos, de um flos gari feito de anchovas e Plínio sustenta que a origem do próprio garum deve ser pesquisada na conservação desse peixe muito pequeno; é notável que tal é certificado arqueologicamente na própria região de Campania.  Foram encontrados na casa de Marcus Fabius Rufus em Pompéia, no fundo de uma pequena olla, milhares de pequenas espinhas de peixe.

Todos os restos são atribuíveis a Engraulis encrasicolus e a presença de vértebras e de apenas alguns elementos postopercoular, atestam o uso em Pompéia de um garum obtido apartir da imersão de anchovas.

Plínio afirma que Carthagena, Clazomenae, Leptis Magna e Pompéia eram centros de produção de garum tão famoso como Baetica e Mauritânia. Pompéia era, certamente, um dos principais pólos da produção de garum no Mediterrâneo.

Os principais centros de produção do garum na Campânia ainda não foram encontrados, mas certamente estavam na costa. Um dos lugares mais importantes para a venda deste produto, foi localizado em meio urbano, no perímetro de Pompéia, a chamada “loja Garum”.

Descoberta entre o final de 1960 e o início de 1961, está situada no lado oeste do anfiteatro e tem uma pequena entrada perto da Via dell’Abbondanza. Dentro o peristilo (a galeria de colunas que rodeia um edifício ou parte dele) foram encontrados seis dolii que estavam destinados à conservação do garum e continha espinhas de peixe.

No jardim foram encontradas inúmeras ânforas viradas ao contrário, provavelmente destinados ao transporte entrega de garum.

Nas ânforas foram encontrados restos semelhantes aos contidos nos dolii, e no fundo de uma delas havia um funil para transferir o garum. Algumas tinham as iniciais VR (vinum rubrum – vinho tinto) pintadas, para indicar o seu conteúdo inicial.

Como confirmação do papel predominante que Aulus Umbricius Scaurus teve no comércio de garum, calcula-se que cerca de 29% das ânforas e urceis encontrados em Herculano, Pompéia e Boscoreale tiveram seu nome inscrito. Uma magnífica casa encontrada em Pompéia (VII, 15 Ins. Occ., 12-15) que pertenceu a Alvo Umbricius Scaurus, o rico comerciante decorava o átrio com mosaicos representando, nos quatro cantos, os urceis, bilhas de barro típicas do garum, para mostrar que sua riqueza vinha do comércio deste precioso condimento.

figura9colatura

Fig. 9. Plan of the “Garum shop” in Pompeii (from CURTIS 1979, modified).

Fig. 8. Ancient and modern: a Roman clay olla from Cotta (Morocco) used for garum (in the box: from Ponsich, Tarradell 1965), compared to the typical modern clay vessel used in Cetara.

O garum no final da antiguidade clássica e na Idade Média

Nos primeiros séculos da nossa era, a produção e o comércio de garum foram elementos muito importantes para a economia; após o Império Romano cair o cenário econômico no Mediterrâneo mudou. A menor procura, já não globalizada, tornou a indústria de produção em tanques de garum menos rentáveis. Essa situação causou a deterioração em todos os locais das grandes fábricas equipadas com cetárias.

No entanto, a produção em pequena escala continuou em locais diferentes, como pode ser visto em todas as realidades culturais herdeiras dos costumes romanos.

Temos ainda de levar em conta que o garum não era apenas empregado na culinária, mas foi usado para tratar diferentes patologias devido à sua alta concentração de cloreto de sódio e na presença de enzimas proteolíticas que produziam qualidades desinfetantes s comparáveis ​​a um anti inflamatório. Plínio dá uma grande relevância ao uso médico do garum, e sugere a sua utilização como remédio para vários tipos de inflamações.

Aconselha a utilização a pasta de allec para tratar doenças de pele e mordidas de cães, e a usar garum líquido em queimaduras recentes ou para enxaguar a cavidade oral inflamada, ou para curar inflamações intestinais. Também sugere medicamentos à base de garum: como vinagre para curar picadas de insetos, com óleo de linhaça e vinagre para curar picadas de escorpião, e com água morna com mel e hissopo para colocar em olhos inflamados.

Também Columella, em De Re Rustica, menciona o liquamen, administrado através das narinas, como um remédio eficaz contra Pestifera Lebes, doença que leva os cavalos à morte em poucos dias.

Como medicamento ou ainda como integrador de alimentos, pode ser encontrado no sul do Mediterrâneo na Idade Média. O Médico andaluz Ibn-Razīn, no século X, recomenda-o contra varíola.

Na cozinha islâmica medieval, embora presente em muitas receitas de Apicius e na cozinhadesde os tempos romanos, o garum era substituído por um novo produto amplamente mencionado pelos gastrônomos iraquianos desde o início do século IX: o murri.

O murri era muito diferente do garum: consistia num pó de peixe seco ao sol e salgado, diluído em vinho doce com orégão e colocado em fermentação numa ânfora oleada com marmelo e pedaços de cebola. Também existia um tipo de murri produzido a partir de cereais tostados, com um processamento mais rápido.

O uso de garum, como se fazia à moda antiga, sobreviveu no mundo bizantino, que se manteve com fortes ligações com a tradição helênica-romana. As fábricas estavam na Grécia, em Bizâncio e na costa leste de a região do Adriático (Ístria), como sabemos, graças a uma carta escrita por Cassiodoro no século VI.

Em Bizâncio, no século XX, o Geoponica, foi elaborada uma importante coleção de livros sobre agricultura, promovida por Constantino VII Porphyrogennetos (913-959 A.D.)

Neste trabalho é dada uma receita para a produção de garum, “em panela”:

  • Coloque num recipiente as entranhas de peixe e peixe pequeno com sal e deixe-os ao sol misturando-os com frequência.
  • Quando o picles tiver sido obtido, filtre tudo numa cesta, onde permanece a parte sólida, o allec.
  • Quem quiser usar esse garum de imediato, sem o deixar ao sol, pode-o ferver, filtrando cuidadosamente dois ou três vezes, até que o filtro esteja limpo.

O melhor granum é chamado de “haimation” e é feito com entranhas, brânquias, soro e sangue de atum.

A mistura é deixada a fermentar num recipiente, com sal ,por cerca de dois meses. Então a e recipiente é aberto e o garum é estabilizado. ”

Uma prova significativa sobre o uso tardio de garum vem da corte imperial bizantina: o bispo Liutprand Cremona, que serviu Otto I da Saxônia, fundador do Sacro Império Alemão, foi enviado a Constantinopla em 968, sob o reinado de Nikephoros II Phokas (963-969).

O embaixador, descreveu no seu relatório, depreciativamente o mundo bizantino em contraste com o mundo ocidental.  Também criticou os hábitos alimentares daquele local.

Definiu “vergonhoso e indecente” um jantar oferecido pelo Imperador durante o qual a comida foi “embebida em óleo e, ainda mais, mergulhado em um certo líquido de peixe da pior qualidade ”. Outro jantar é definido como “odioso” porque “Cheirava a alho e cebola e embebido em óleo e garum ”.

Embora tenha reclamado sobre a cozinha bizantina, para ele demasiado condimentada, Liutprand pronuncia-se sobre um “cordeiro gordo … generosamente temperado com alho, cebola e alho-porro e embebido em garum “, que é chamado, em grego, garon, que considerou excelente.

O uso de garum, ou de molhos de peixe, foi preservado no Leste também depois dos bizantinos. Pierre Belon (1547-1549), um viajante europeu durante o império otomano, relata:

“Existe um líquido […] que eu verifiquei estar muito na moda na Turquia […]. Todos os dias preparam peixe fresco que vendem já frito […]; molham-no no picles e transformam em garum ”.

É um bom exemplo de como este hábito local em relação à comida do mar foi transmitido aos turcos.

Contudo, a utilização de garum com peixe frito na Turquia tem raízes antigas. Um poeta, provavelmente um monge, que viveu no idade do Comnemi, menciona o garum entre os alimentos servido durante um elegante banquete de dois padres superiores num convento em Constantinopla.

O garum permaneceu na tradição da alta gastronomia medieval também nos países ocidentais.

Liutprand, um rei Longobard (712-744), deu a um seu oficial como salário, um solidus de ouro, um litro de óleo, um litro de garum e duas onças de pimenta.

Também no século VIII, os comerciantes de Comacchio, empreenderam o comércio do garum ao longo do rio Po. Os soberanos Longobard compravam-lhe o produto, no porto fluvial Parmisano. Ainda no século IX, o mosteiro de Bobbio, nos Apeninos Piacentino, comprava o garum no mercado de Gênova, como está registrado nos  arquivos monásticos.

O garum era ainda usado em França; o produto é mencionado num diploma de 29 de abril de 716, emitido pela Abadia de Corbie.

Confirma-se assim que nas idade média o uso de garum sobreviveu na Europa Ocidental, especialmente em âmbito monástico.

O regime beneditino proíbe os monges da Ordem de comer carne vermelha, exceto em caso de doença grave. Permite apenas peixes, ou outros animais aquáticos e aves; os recursos marinhos são portanto, muito importantes na dieta monástica.

A continuidade do uso e a provável produção de garum no âmbito beneditino é certificado no século X por um presente oferecido pelos monges de Santa Maria dos Amalfitanos

Quando visitam Santo Atanásio de Athos ,no mosteiro por ele fundada no Monte Athos. Embora os ortodoxos do mosteiro terem garum na sua despensa, durante o jantar o santo ordenou que trouxessem para a mesa o presente, descrito como “Precioso”.

O garum na região de Amalfi nas idade média

As informações mencionadas são testemunha significativa do uso de garum no principio da Idade Média, no âmbito monástico a leste e oeste e mostra que em Amalfi esse molho era ainda importante e precioso no século X.

Amalfi foi fundada pelos romanos em 553 d.C., tornou-se diocese e castrum bizantino após a vitória de Narsetes sobre os Godos. No altura das lutas entre Bizantinos e Longobards, no século VIII-IX, fazia parte do Ducado de Nápoles e ambos eram dependentes de Constantinopla.

Benevento foi conquistado pelos Longobards em 838 e em Amalfi rebelaram no mesmo ano criando um governo autônomo tendo à cabeça de um Comes. O poder marítimo de Amalfi começou neste tempo e a cidade de mar enriquecia com os seus negócios de navegação, estendendo o seu poder no território entre o Ducado de Nápoles e o Principado de Salerno.

Sérgio I apoiado por Constantinopla foi proclamado Dux em 958. Nesse período, Amalfi estendeu seu controle comercial até o Oriente Próximo chegando a possuir colônias em Constantinopla, Síria, Palestina e em Alexandria. A forte relação entre os monges Beneditinos em Amalfi e os ortodoxos do Monte Athos data do mesmo período.

Entre o século VIII e o século XII, Amalfi teve relações próximas com o mundo bizantino.

Os eventos históricos de Cetara nas idade média são bastante misteriosos. A vila foi um enclave sarraceno durante cerca de um século, desde 879.

No início do século X, Cetara, que delimitavaa fronteira entre a República de Amalfi e os Longobard, Principado de Salerno, teve uma importante função estratégica e foi enganada pelo mosteiro de Santa Maria de Erchie. Cetara era naquele tempo uma aldeia de pescadores da República Marítima de Amalfi e a salga do biqueirão representou uma importante atividade econômica, como atestam fontes medievais. É possível que o mencionado “precioso” garum dos Monges amalfitanos fossem produzidos em Cetara para os religiosos da comunidade de Amalfi.

Em 1092, Cetara passou a estar sob o controle dos poderosos da Abadia da Santíssima Trindade em Cava. A Abadia Beneditina cobrou o dízimo do pescado e adquiriu os direitos de ancoragem determinando uma contração da atividade marinha tradicional em Cetara.

O poder beneditino em Cetara, tanto econômico quanto territorial, tornou-se absoluto após a anexação definitiva do mosteiro de Erchie para a Abadia de Cava em 1128.

O atestado mais antigo da produção de um molho de anchovas fermentadas na costa de Amalfi remonta ao século XII, em que o nome “colatura di alici” aparece em St. Peter na reitoria de Tozcolo em Amalfi pela primeira vez.

Nessa época os monges Amalfitanos possuíam uma frota utilizada sazonalmente para a pesca do biqueirão.

É muito provável que os monges de Amalfi tivessem sido uma das as comunidades monásticas medievais que preservaram a conhecimento sobre a preparação do garum e a tradição do seu uso.

Os contínuos ataques de piratas na costa de Amalfitan tornou incontrolável e obsoleto o antigo sistema de salga em tanques (lat. cetaria), e fosse mais fácil para esse fim reutilizar os barris que já não tinham utilidade para guardar o vinho produzido na Reitoria.

Além disso, a tradição bizantina documentada pelo Geoponica, atesta a recusa do setor industrial da continuidade de produção em tanques, a favor de um sistema mais simples que tinha sido mantido por toda a antiguidade, embora utilizado principalmente para uso doméstico.

O próprio nome Cetara, relacionado com as ainda existentes redes de pesca de atum, pode se tornar mais compreensível considerando que, na antiguidade clássica, todas oas redes dos pescadores de atum estavam associadas a uma área de salga de atum equipada com tanques, cetarias, destinadas à produção de garum. Esta hipótese parece confirmada pela toponímia medieval na qual a vila atual aparece com o nome de Cetaria (como é certificado em alguns documentos 980 e 982).

Os centros medievais de pesca de atum com redes de pesca, tomaram conta dos antigos centros de produção de garum.  É provável que na era romana um centro de captura de peixes, com seus tanques (cetariae) tivesse surgido na área de Cetara.

Geralmente as estruturas para a produção de garum foram fundidas após a queda do Império Romano, embora a pesca em Cetara e as suas tradições alimentares do molho de peixe continuaram.

Portanto, é provável que a tradição de anchovas na Campânia, atestada em Pompéia, tenha sido preservada na península de Sorrento durante a idade média através dos Bizantinos.

A comunidade monástica em Amalfi, de forma a suprir as suas necessidades, teria permitido e ajudado à sobrevivência de uma técnica para preservar peixes que se tornaram, com o tempo, patrimônio da cultura popular da comunidade em Cetara.

É possível dizer que a “colatura di alici” moderna é um verdadeiro “fóssil vivo” de um dos mais importantes produto gastronômico da antiga região do Mediterrâneo.

Este processo de preservação cultural pode ter sido ajudado por um relativo isolamento geográfico das aldeias da península de Sorrento, ainda não facilmente alcançáveis por terra.

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The “Colatura d’alici” from the Amalfitan Coast
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